Africa

13, December 2018

2 protesters killed during Congo-Kinshasa opposition rally ⁰

At least two people were killed Wednesday in clashes with police on the sidelines of an opposition rally in eastern DR Congo ahead of this month’s presidential elections, several sources said.

The violence erupted in Kalemie, a town on Lake Tanganyika as opposition candidate Martin Fayulu was campaigning there.

It came a day after two of his supporters were killed and 43 hurt in clashes at a rally in Lubumbashi, DR Congo’s second city.

A witness said “live rounds” were fired as Fayulu arrived in Kalemie.

Rogardien Myumba, head of a federation of local NGOs, said: “Two opposition activists were shot dead as they were heading to the airport to welcome Mr Fayulu.”

A local doctor told AFP there were three bodies at the hospital morgue, while an emergency responder said his team had picked up four bodies.

Fayulu, 62, a little-known lawmaker and former oil executive, has made a late surge after being named the joint candidate for several opposition parties.

DR Congo is in the throes of a major campaign ahead of the December 23 election to choose a successor to President Joseph Kabila, who has ruled the vast central African country since 2001.

President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Joseph Kabila sits in a garden at his personal ranch on December 10, 2018 in Kinshasa. (Photo by AFP)

But the campaign has been overshadowed by fears of violence in this vast poverty-stricken nation which is one of Africa’s most volatile countries and has never known a peaceful transition of power since independence from Belgium in 1960.

In the past 22 years, two massive wars have shaken the country, claiming millions of lives and sucking in armies from around southern and central Africa.

Lower-level conflicts are burning in the center and east of the country which could easily flare into fully-fledged wars, analysts warn.

Kabila has remained in office as caretaker leader even though his second and final term ended nearly two years ago.

Twenty-one candidates are running to replace him.

As well as Fayulu, the front-runners are Felix Tshisekedi of the mainstream opposition Union for Democracy and Social Progress and Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, Kabila’s handpicked successor.

(Source: AFP)

28, November 2018

Mild Fatigue vs Serious illness: Gabon’s Bongo to recuperate and meet presidency officials in Morocco ⁰

Gabon’s President Ali Bongo is expected to leave Saudi Arabia, where he was hospitalised last month after suffering a stroke, for Morocco on Wednesday, according to his wife.

Bongo has not been seen in public since being admitted to hospital during a conference on Oct. 24. Gabon’s top court ruled earlier this month that the vice president would chair the cabinet in Bongo’s absence.

In a post on her Facebook page, Sylvia Bongo wrote that her husband’s health had improved significantly and that he would travel to Rabat on Wednesday.

“To pursue his recuperation, the president, in concertation with his close family, has decided to accept the proposal of his brother, His Majesty the King of Morocco, Mohammed VI,” she said.

Bongo has asked advisers from the presidency to join him in Rabat to consult on affairs of state, his wife added.

The Bongo family has ruled the oil-producing country for nearly half a century. Bongo has been president since succeeding his father, Omar, who died in 2009.

His re-election in 2016 was marred by claims of fraud and violent protest.

Africa News

26, November 2018

Trading bullets for ballots, former al Shabaab No. 2 tests Somalia’s democratic process ⁰

When al Shabaab’s deputy leader Mukhtar Robow defected from the jihadist group, it was hailed as a major step for peace hopes in Somalia. But now that he’s running for a December 5 regional election, some think it’s a step too far.

At a crowded meeting hall in the southern Somali city of Baidoa last month, Mukhtar Robow faced a gathering of local politicians and reporters squeezed into the room as a crowd of supporters and curious onlookers gathered outside the premises.

Robow, also known as Abu Mansour, is no stranger to the media spotlight. As one of the founding members of al Shabaab — the al Qaeda-linked Somali terrorist group — Robow once served as the jihadist group’s deputy leader and spokesman.

For many years, he was the public face of the organisation, appearing in al Shabaab propaganda videos, granting interviews to local journalists and addressing press conferences in the Somali wilds. As an al Shabaab military commander with battlefield experience and training in Afghanistan, Robow was considered a dangerous man. The US slapped a $5 million bounty on his head and the Treasury Department imposed sanctions on him as a “specially designated global terrorist”.

That was before he fell out with al Shabaab’s leader, Ahmed Abdi Godane, in a power struggle. In 2013, he quit the jihadist group, publicly denounced al Shabaab, and retreated to his village in southwestern Somalia, where he was protected by his militiamen and the community.

Four years later, Robow was back in the news when he surrendered to Somali forces in August 2017 in what was widely hailed as a historic defection.

A year later, Robow was pushing the envelope again.

At the October gathering in a Baidoa hotel, the charismatic former Shabaab leader officially declared he was running for regional elections originally set for November 17 and later postponed to December 5.

Source: France 24

17, November 2018

French Cameroun Politics: Ambazonian leaders denied bail ⁰

A court in Cameroon Thursday rejected an application for bail for some detained Anglophone separatist leaders who were seized in Nigeria and extradited to Yaoundé in January.

The Yaoundé Appeal Court confirmed an earlier verdict by the High Court rejecting a plea by defence lawyers that secessionist leader Julius Ayuk Tabe and his fellow defendants be granted bail.

Mr Fru John Nsoh, who led the defence team, said he was not surprised by the outcome of the brief hearing and promised they would petition the Supreme Court within 48 hours.

“The Appeal Court has confirmed the verdict that was issued by the High Court, meaning they have rejected our application. I was not surprised though, and we are going to file at the Supreme Court,” Mr Nsoh said.

Their loved ones

Some family members and friends of the detainees came to the hearing with hope that their loved ones would be set free.

“It has not been easy for the family. We are in tears everyday…,” a sister of one of the detainees stated, before bursting into tears.

Mr Tabe, the president of a self-declared breakaway state of Ambazonia, and 46 other members of the secessionist movement, were held incommunicado in Yaoundé for 10 months before being granted access to lawyers recently, Mr Nsoh said.

Prior to their extradition, Mr Tabe and the co-accused had been “held in secret” at a hotel in Abuja, according to Amnesty International.

Public appearance

The human rights advocacy group said the activists were at risk of “unfair trial before a military court and the deeply disturbing possibility of torture” in Cameroon.

Thursday’s hearing was their second public appearance since they were extradited.

The suspects symbolically proclaimed the independence of the hypothetical of Ambazonia on October 1 last year.

Their subsequent deportation marked an escalation in the crisis that has rocked the two English speaking regions for nearly two years now.

Source: The East African

14, November 2018

Nigerian Activist says ECOWAS must take the initiative to resolve the Ambazonia crisis ⁰

Certainly, the kidnapping of 79 Cameroonian students by gunmen last week was a veiled message to the government that the Ambazonian separatists are indefatigable in their demand for autonomy and would make all sacrifice to achieve the goal

Though the gunmen were not immediately identified and the students have been released, it is instructive that they rejected ransom. Rather, they demanded that the school should be closed. It is not the first time students would be kidnapped but it is the first time such a large number of students were involved and ransom was not demanded.

Apparently, the demand for the closing of schools is to ensure the safety of the students. However, the kidnapping of students by insurgents to drum home their message has remained a worrisome development in the subregion. But beyond the closure of schools in the two regions, what is clear now is that Cameroon is sliding into civil war. Last week, President Biya asked the separatists to lay down their arms or face the rigour of the law and the determination of the defense and security forces. He spoke during his inauguration for the 7th term in office.

He reportedly promised to defeat terrorism in the country. Agency reports quoted him as saying that they would continue fighting terrorism until separatists in the two English-speaking regions drop their guns or are defeated. He however said “a good number of responses” will be provided “through the framework of accelerating the decentralization process which is underway,” adding that “the future of our compatriots in the Northwest and Southwest lies in the framework of our republic.”

In this report, Nigerian journalist, lawyer, activist and Special Adviser (Media and Publicity) African Bar Association, Mr Osa Director comments on the crisis and proffer solution. African Bar Association has been is a strong advocate of respect for fundamental human rights in Cameroon and other African countries.

Asked to react to the kidnapping of the 79 students, Director condemned the act, describing it as “an unfortunate development.” He said: “No sane and rationally minded human being will be happy at the incarceration or deprivation of the freedom of others.”Kidnapping is an issue that is subjected to immense physical torture. So, I felt sad and disappointed.”

With a cautious voice, Director was quick to say it is also important to identify the factor(s) that may have instigated the action of the gunmen. “However, we have to look at the root cause of such incident which I think is not unrelated to the crisis in Cameroon, where the English-speaking people are seeking independence from the dominance of the French-speaking north.

But for how long will Cameroon remain in a state of anarchy? Director said “until injustice and lopsidedness in national affairs in Cameroon is property addressed with a sense of fairness, justice and equity, we will continue to have incidence like this.” Director is aware of the implications of kidnapping of students by insurgents, either in Cameroon or in Nigeria. He pointed to the situation in Nigeria and how payment of ransom has encouraged kidnapping. “Unconfirmed source indicated that the Nigerian government always pays ransom to Boko Haram, although the government had continued to deny it. But even the international community continues to insist that certain ransom were paid.

“Those kind of attitude will embolden other kidnappers, knowing that it is now a veritable way of making money. So, it has serious implications for Nigeria in the sense that whatever happens in Cameroon can easily dovetail into the Nigerian states having borders with it . . . Akwa Ibom and Cross River.” He expressed fear that “some of these kidnappers could even be operating from the borders of Nigeria, knowing how porous our borders can be.” He suggested the tightening of Nigerian borders. “It means we have to tighten our security network and processes to ensure that the impact is not maximally felt in Nigeria as a way of causing tension and putting life at risk in these states.’

The Cameroonian crisis started with peaceful protests against the imposition of the French language on the schools and courts in the two Ambazonian regions where English is the general language used in schools and other public institutions. The thinking among observers at the time was that the crisis would be resolved, especially after international bodies like the European Union and the United Nations called for peace. So, what happened? Director believes that “in a situation like this, there must be a meeting ground.”

Since the crisis started, calls for dialogue between the government and the separatists have been made without tangible result. Director puts “the blame at the doorstep of the government.” He wondered why the government is reluctant to embrace dialogue when “the right to self determination is guaranteed under the UN charter. And if people say they want to secede, all you need do is to have discussion with them, it is possible that after the discussion, they may change or review decision.”

Describing President Biya as a tyrant and dictator, he said the president has been uncooperative, recalcitrant and reluctant to dialogue with the separatists. He wants the government of Cameroon to know that “nothing on earth can muzzle people who are determined and who are focus.” He believes that it is going to be a matter of time for the Ambazonians to realize their dream.

He dismissed claims that the separatists were giving tough conditions for dialogue with the government. “In negotiation, one of the parties should not be in a position of immense superiority. The Ambazonians are saying if we have to dialogue, the environment had to be equitable and there must be unbiased mediators in this process. So, it cannot be said that the Ambazonians are giving impossible conditions if the Cameroonian government is unwilling to have unbiased mediators in the process and in an environment that is seen to be equitable to both parties.”

Some observers have argued that Nigeria has the vigour to resolve the crisis but it is shying away even as some of its states are overwhelmed with Cameroonian refugees. Director agrees with this school of thought. “Nigeria is seen as a big brother in Africa and especially in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) but in this particular circumstance, it has played a very disappointing role,” he said.

Buttressing his argument, he said Nigeria bowed to the demand of the Cameroonian government when it “deported nine Cameroonians, seven of them are professors in Nigerian universities.” According to him, some of the deported Cameroonians are naturalized Nigerians. But even more surprising to him was that the deportation took place “in spite of the fact that some of my colleagues, Abdul Oroh and Femi Falana had gone to court to enforce the fundamental human rights of the Cameroonians. The government deported them before the application was held in court.”

Nigeria is a democratic country that has respect for fundamental human rights. It against this backdrop that Director said: “If Nigeria can connive with a dictatorial regime to deport even naturalized Nigerians, even though they were originally Cameroonians, that tells you that it has not been up and doing in trying to resolve the challenges in the Ambazonian regions. He accused Nigerian of not acting with an open mind and with a sense of transparency and fairness to all the parties involved He wants Nigeria to have a rethink on its position over the crisis.

“I will urge the Nigerian government to sit back and review its foreign policy disposition and ensure that if it wants to interfere or interface with areas of conflict in the subregion, it should be done with a sense of commitment, fairness, determination and be resolute in its decision irrespective of whose Ox is gourd, not by oppressing the weaker side and backing the government in power.”

The Cameroonian crisis came on the heels of agitation for secession by several groups in the south-south and northeast regions of Nigeria and the Federal Government has been mindful of its action in some neighbouring countries. Perhaps, it does not want to be seen as supporting secession in those countries. Director thinks differently. Hear him: “Yes, you can say that sentimentally and diplomatically, it would appear as if it is not in the interest of Nigeria to encourage secession in neighbouring countries when there are also pockets of agitations within Nigeria. “But as I said earlier, even though people are asking for self-determination, at the end of the day, all parties must sit on the round table and have discussion. And even at the end of the day, every war ultimately gets decided at the conference table.”

What exactly does Director wants Nigeria to do? His response: “If the Ambazonians say they want to secede, what I expect the Nigerian government to do is to encourage dialogue between the two parties just like we are saying in Nigeria that any region that is agitating for secession should not be crushed by military might.

“It does not necessarily mean that when a group says it wants to secede, it really meant it, it is only saying so because it believes it has been deprived of fairness, justice, equity and access to development and the enforcement of their full constitutional rights in the present set up. And if the government can guarantee those conditions, it will not secede.”

Though ECOWAS has been praised as an active subregional body in Africa, analysts say the body seems to lack the capacity to intervene in the Cameroonian crisis. They point at the speed with which the crisis is escalating without pronouncements by ECOWAS. The analysts are not alone. Director also believes ECOWAS has not lived up to expectation. He explains thus: “It is with a sense of disappointment that most of us have watched ECOWAS behaving like a lame duck, unable to resolve conflicts within its own subregion.

“ECOWAS has left much to be desired as far as this matter is concerned. And that may not be unrelated to the fact that the key drivers of ECOWAS like Nigeria are sending conflicting signals and are being lukewarm too, in confronting and trying to resolve the crisis in the Ambazonian regions. That in a way has brought out the general outlook, character and disposition of ECOWAS in the crisis in Cameroon.”

He does not agree with those who believe Africa must depend on Europe and America to resolve its problems. Referring to African leaders, he said “these are the same people when they are being rebuked by the international community, we would say we are independent nations. “But when there is crisis in another sphere, they would say what is America doing, what is UK doing and what is EU doing.” He said it must be remembered always that “you can’t approbate and reprobate. The only way the subregion can progress is by ensuring that it is able to solve its own problems in its own way, taking into consideration the historical peculiarities and nuisance of the subregion or continent.”

Culled from Sunnewsonline

12, November 2018

African Union: Fresh push for peace in Southern Cameroons ⁰

The head of the African Union Commission has called for a renewed effort to try to find a peaceful solution to the conflict in Cameroon.

Moussa Faki Mahamat’s call for an inclusive dialogue comes after dozens of school children were reunited with their parents after being kidnapped.

They were reportedly held by Anglophone separatists. The principal and one of her teachers are still in captivity. Mr Mahamat called on the perpetrators to be identified and brought to justice.

A peace conference, organised by religious leaders, is due to take place later this month however it is not clear whether the Cameroonian government or the separatist rebels will attend. Activists claim the country’s French-speaking majority is marginalising the English-speaking minority.

BBC

Now that you are here

The Cameroon Concord News Group Board wishes to inform its faithful readers that for more than a decade, it has been providing world-class reports of the situation in Southern Cameroons. The Board has been priding itself on its reports which have helped the world to gain a greater understanding of the crisis playing out in Southern Cameroons. It hails its reporters who have also helped the readers to have a broader perspective of the political situation in Cameroon.

The Board wishes to thank its readers who have continued to trust Southern Cameroon’s leading news platform. It is therefore using this opportunity to state that its reporters are willing to provide more quality information to the readers. However, due to the changing global financial context, the Board is urging its readers to play a significant role in the financing of the news organization. It is therefore calling on its faithful readers to make whatever financial contribution they can to ensure they get the latest developments in their native Southern Cameroons, in particular, and Cameroon in general.

Bank transaction: Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Banking IBAN: GB51 BARC 2049 1103 9130 15

Swift BIC BARC GB22XX

SORT CODE 20-49-11, ACCOUNT NUMBER – 03913015 Barclay PLC, UK

The Board looks forward to hearing from the readers.

Signed by the Group Chairman on behalf of the Board of Directors

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Email: soteragbawebai@gmail.com

6, November 2018

Biya regime arrests 20 presidential election protesters ⁰

Cameroonian authorities have arrested 20 people who were protesting an election they allege was stolen by long-serving President Paul Biya.

The protesters claim Maurice Kamto, the flag bearer of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement party, won the Oct. 7 presidential election.

Biya, who has led the country since 1982, is to be sworn into office Tuesday for a seventh term. Kamto’s supporters say they plan to disrupt the event.

Away Fonka Augustine, governor of the west region of Cameroon, confirmed Sunday’s arrests and said he deployed the police to keep the peace.

Ndoki Michel, a lawyer for the opposition party, said its members “shall fight until our victory is reinstated.”

The United States has said the October vote was marked by irregularities.

Now that you are here

Bank transaction: Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Banking IBAN: GB51 BARC 2049 1103 9130 15

Swift BIC BARC GB22XX

SORT CODE 20-49-11, ACCOUNT NUMBER – 03913015 Barclay PLC, UK

The Board looks forward to hearing from the readers.

Signed by the Group Chairman on behalf of the Board of Directors

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Email: soteragbawebai@gmail.com

5, November 2018

Global Movement for Change and Project Colourful deploys envoy to Cameroon ⁰

International Leadership Organisation, the Global Movement for Change and Project Colourful headquartered in Ireland is sending its Chief Executive, Mr. Esoh Diamond to meet with major political leaders in Cameroon to discuss solutions to sustaining peace and stability in Cameroon and crafting a future where young people in Cameroon are able to maximise their potential.

The renowned cultural diplomacy proponent Is expected to meet leaders of the CPDM party, opposition leaders Cabral Libii, Joshua Osih and Comrade Maurice Kamto who is widely believed to have legitimately won the October 7th Presidential elections.

“The current crisis is Cameroon is complex and anyone who claims to have a silver bullet solution is not being entirely honest. I am fundamentally espoused to my Irish foreign policy value of neutrality. So it is not my mission to delve into the politics of school resumption and secession. That doesn’t mean I’m going to sit and do nothing in the face of evil” said Mr. Esoh Diamond Ebs

He said he is in no position to ask Ambazonian fighters to lay down their arms because the only person who can get them to do that is currently in an undisclosed prison. He cannot also ask the government to withdraw all troops from the North West and south West region. “It would be great if they did that. But that kind of request is beyond my pay grade” he said.

“But I believe both sides can work together on areas where there is common ground. Contrary to what people think, there are areas of common ground and I intend to pursue that aggressively”

“I also believe you don’t have to be in government to make a difference. There is work to be done to engage everyday people to effect positive change and the opposition can play a major role in that. That’s something I hope to advance as much as I can”

The GMCPC chief is also expected to ask questions about the disappearance of young Anglophone leaders Ngwa Sama, Dabby Njume, EE Mbile, Uzor Chucks, Engol Mesumbe and Derico Esue

By Chi Prudence Asong

Now that you are here

Bank transaction: Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Banking IBAN: GB51 BARC 2049 1103 9130 15

Swift BIC BARC GB22XX

SORT CODE 20-49-11, ACCOUNT NUMBER – 03913015 Barclay PLC, UK

The Board looks forward to hearing from the readers.

Signed by the Group Chairman on behalf of the Board of Directors

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Email: soteragbawebai@gmail.com

3, November 2018

French Cameroon opposition candidate calls for presidential vote recount ⁰

Cameroon opposition candidate Maurice Kamto has called for an independent recount of last month’s presidential poll, urging the international community to “assume its responsibilities.”

Kamto, who according to official results, came second with 14.23 percent of the vote behind incumbent Paul Biya, posted the appeal online in a video late on Friday.

He called for an independent, international committee accepted by all sides to carry out the recount and vowed to abide by its conclusions.

Kamto, who had claimed victory the day after the October 7 election some two weeks before the official results were in, has been denounced as an “outlaw” by the government.

But he insists that the count was marred by widespread fraud and that the Constitutional Council’s decision to declare Biya the victor was completely at odds with the true result.

“We will never accept the results proclaimed by a biased Constitutional Council,” he said, adding that he would campaign peacefully against the official result.

Kamto, a 64-year-old lawyer and leader of the Movement for the Rebirth of Cameroon (MRC), called on other opposition leaders to join his campaign.

Kamto was one of seven candidates seeking to unseat President Paul Biya, who has ruled the West African country for 35 years.

According to official results, Biya was returned to power with 71.2 percent. He is due to be sworn in on Tuesday.

(Source: AFP)

Now that you are here

Bank transaction: Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Banking IBAN: GB51 BARC 2049 1103 9130 15

Swift BIC BARC GB22XX

SORT CODE 20-49-11, ACCOUNT NUMBER – 03913015 Barclay PLC, UK

The Board looks forward to hearing from the readers.

Signed by the Group Chairman on behalf of the Board of Directors

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Email: soteragbawebai@gmail.com

2, November 2018

Growing Instability in Cameroon Raises Fundamental Questions about the State ⁰

Cameroon faces a poignant irony. It has just held a presidential election, yet the process has been largely overshadowed both by the lack of suspense in its outcome and the growing unrest gripping the country’s Anglophone Northwest and Southwest provinces.

Since 2016, these two provinces, representing roughly 20 percent of Cameroon’s 25 million citizens, have been shaken by a campaign against the discriminatory treatment of Anglophones. The protests began in October 2016 when peaceful demonstrations were organized by lawyers and teachers unions who demanded the right to teach in English, have access to Cameroonian legal texts in English, and interact with English-speaking state representatives. In the process, some participants chanted independence slogans, and the Cameroonian flag was burned.

Feeling threatened, the Cameroonian government responded repressively to this movement, repelling demonstrators with tear gas and live ammunition. More than 80 journalists, lawyers, and ordinary protesters have been detained. And the government suspended the Internet in the two Anglophone provinces from January to April 2017, fueling more protests and raising concern within the international community.

The government also labeled all protesters as radical separatists and mobilized elements of the Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), the elite unit of the Cameroonian army known for its aggressive methods. Cameroonian soldiers have responded to attacks from separatists with brutal retaliation, burning down entire villages and indiscriminately killing, arresting, and torturing dozens of people within the Anglophone regions, as well as in Nigeria. On October 1, 2018, the anniversary of Cameroon’s unification as a single state, the government imposed a number of restrictive measures aimed at preventing further demonstrations in the Anglophone provinces: suspending public transportation, closing businesses and public places, and banning gatherings of over four people, among other measures.

At least 420 civilians have already lost their lives in the ensuing conflict, while nearly 200,000 people have fled their homes to the bush or Francophone areas. Another 40,000 have found refuge in Nigeria. The exodus has accelerated with the increase of violence. The instability has also affected food security in the Anglophone areas, with nearly a half million people facing a food crisis.

In response, some elements of the protest movement have radicalized, turning to armed struggle and calling for secession. Further expanding their movement, they have called on residents in Anglophone areas to avoid urban centers on designated “ville morte” days, threatening violence against any who disobeyed. Several dozen schools, buildings, and administrative vehicles were burned. On October 1, 2017, leaders of the protest proclaimed the independence of the “Republic of Ambazonia” for the Northwest and Southwest provinces, marking a point of no return in the nascent conflict. While traditionally marked with festivities throughout the country, the 46th National Day of Cameroon, May 20, 2018, was boycotted in the English-speaking provinces.

The government labeled all protesters as radical separatists

Armed groups claiming to be part of the new Anglophone state have emerged, such as the Ambazonian Defense Forces, the Southern Cameroon Defense Forces, the Ambazonia Restoration Army, and several other smaller groups. Altogether the armed separatists are estimated to comprise a few hundred combatants. Since the summer of 2017, at least 170 members of the security forces have been killed, and numerous Cameroonian state officials have been abducted. In September 2018, a group of armed men attacked a school near Buea in the southwest, injuring more than 20 people, including children. Threats by separatists to prevent voting in the presidential election in the Anglophones provinces further suppressed turnout to an estimated 5 percent of eligible voters. The armed separatists have also threatened to attack the country’s most populated urban areas, such as Douala and Yaoundé, in the Francophone regions.

In a report released in July 2018, Human Rights Watch accused both Cameroonian security forces and separatist fighters of serious human rights violations on civilians in both provinces. Despite repeated requests, the United Nations has not been allowed to visit the area. In July 2018, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Raad Al-Hussein expressed concern, citing reports of “kidnappings, targeted killings of police and local authorities, the destruction of schools by armed elements,” and “killings, excessive use of force, burning down of houses, arbitrary detentions and torture” by government forces. But the government has not yet acted upon his appeal to launch independent investigations into human rights violations.

In an attempt to maintain the illusion of normality, Cameroonian authorities have tried to stem the outflow of residents from the English-speaking provinces by demanding a “reason” why citizens are trying to flee into the French-speaking regions. However, the displacement speaks for itself. Violence in the Anglophone provinces continues to escalate with an ever-increasing number of civilian victims. Today, the country faces a serious risk of conflagration.

A Crisis That Has Been Building for Some Time

Cameroon is an example of a conflict that could have been avoided. As Dr. Christopher Fomunyoh has observed, this is an entirely “man-made crisis.” English-speaking Cameroonians have long expressed their frustrations toward the discrimination their community faces and the perception of institutional marginalization. It is the failure to take these concerns seriously that has brought the country to the current juncture.

The roots of the crisis also trace back to the country’s origins. The territory that is now Cameroon became a German colony in 1884. Following World War I, Germany lost all of its overseas colonies, leaving most of the territory to be administrated by the French and the western provinces overseen by the United Kingdom. In 1960, a year before Cameroon gained its independence, the two Anglophone provinces voted to join their French-speaking counterparts in what became “the federal Republic of Cameroon.” This federal arrangement was intended to establish a framework where Anglophones and Francophones had the same rights and where their differences would be respected and represented within Cameroonian institutions.

But things soon took a different turn. In May 1972, a referendum was held that led to the approval of the new name of the “United Republic of Cameroon.” Subsequent constitutional reforms started to blur the bilingual and bicultural features of the country. This trend continued with Paul Biya’s accession to the presidency in 1982. He systematically pursued measures that promoted the centralization of the country. The following year, the English-speaking region was divided into two provinces, Northwest and Southwest. In 1984, Biya abandoned the term “united,” the country became the “Republic of Cameroon,” and the second star on the flag, representing the English-speaking region, was removed.

Over the years, centralization has been progressively reinforced, along with the inexorable shrinking of democratic space and individual freedoms. Despite the emergence of Anglophone political movements, the predominance of French and Francophone cultural references became widespread, contributing to the growing sense among Anglophones of a steady loss of culture and a dilution of their identity. They have repeatedly tried to protest against this drift, but the government has generally been resistant to their claims. For many years, Anglophones held out hope for change—until it became clear that the Biya government had no intention of altering the status quo. In 2017, out of 36 ministers, only one was Anglophone. In 2018, the president of the Senate, the president of the National Assembly, the first president of the Supreme Court, and the president of the Constitutional Council were all French-speaking. This has fueled a growing resentment among the youth in the English-speaking regions, who have become increasingly sensitized to the issue and found global resonance for their grievances through social media. It is the combination of this lack of representation along with the exasperation of the Anglophone youth in the face of government indifference that eventually provoked the protests of 2016.

Fear that Autonomy for Anglophones May Lead to Demands for Democracy Nationally

Even though Biya has said repeatedly that he is “ready for dialogue,” the government has failed to offer a sincere and concrete path out of the crisis. Calling the separatists “terrorists” and violently repressing peaceful demonstrations has contributed to the escalation and strengthened the hand of the most radical separatist actors. Moreover, with the support of a highly engaged and resourced Cameroonian diaspora, armed separatists have firmly established themselves. Despite the many casualties within the separatists’ ranks, the harsh and indiscriminate tactics of the Cameroonian security forces have strengthened the fighters’ determination.

Cameroonian authorities, meanwhile, have sought to enforce the status quo at all costs. This strategy is based on the fear that giving more autonomy to Anglophones would in turn galvanize demands for greater democratic openness and respect for human rights among the general population. But this calculation has led to a political and military impasse, placing the future of Cameroon as a unitary nation under threat. The country now faces the risk of a prolonged civil war whose consequences may go far beyond what Cameroonian officials have imagined.

The Rise of the Hardliners

It is becoming increasingly clear that Biya is no longer the only captain steering the Cameroonian ship of state. Aged 85, he travels abroad so frequently that he has been nicknamed “the absent president” by some critics. His prolonged absences and his faltering health have resulted in the transfer of the management of most important portfolios to senior aides. These ministers and members of the administration, all French-speaking, have adopted particularly uncompromising positions in the face of the separatist challenge. Accordingly, Foumane Akame, head of the judiciary in Cameroon for almost 20 years and legal adviser to the head of state; Laurent Esso, Minister of Justice and friend of the president; Edgard Alain Mebe Ngo’o, Minister of Transportation and former Director of Cabinet; and the Minister of Defense, Joseph Beti Assomo, have played increasingly leading roles in Cameroonian politics.

Toward a Resolution to the Conflict

Ordinarily, neighboring countries could be expected to be actively involved in finding a mediated solution to such a political crisis. However, in the case of Cameroon, regional bodies and neighboring countries have remained remarkably discreet. Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) leaders have largely refrained from commenting on the situation, in part, due to other crises in the region. Nigeria shares a common border with the English-speaking provinces and is therefore the neighboring country most directly affected by the crisis. However, Nigerian officials apparently want to avoid any suggestion that they are aiding the Cameroonian separatists. Indeed, to prove its good faith, Abuja not only arrested Sisiku Ayuk Tabe, an English-speaking separatist leader, and 46 of his executives in January 2018, but also extradited them to Yaoundé. Nigeria has also allowed Cameroonian troops to conduct operations on Nigerian territory in order to repel the separatists.

The need for an inclusive dialogue, initiated by a neutral third party, remains crucial, however. From this perspective, the silence of African regional organizations is problematic. ECCAS, the African Union, and the United Nations Office for Central Africa (UNOCA) all have key roles to play. ECCAS could propose a high-level mediator—for example, a former African head of state or an African personality known for a commitment to peace—who would be seen as an honest broker by both parties and capable of negotiating a cessation of hostilities. At the same time, civilian access to humanitarian aid and safe areas should be guaranteed.

Ultimately, it is up to the Cameroonian actors to work out a resolution to this conflict. Events have clearly shown that the recourse to violence by both sides has only empowered the hardliners in each camp and made the process of finding solutions more difficult. In this regard, the strategy adopted by some of the separatists toward their fellow citizens—forcing families to stop sending their children to school and threatening reprisals against those who vote—is as damaging to peace and restoring trust among citizens as the government’s heavy-handed tactics.

Governance deficiencies have also fueled the resentment of the larger Cameroonian population, beyond the English-speaking regions.

In the end, it will be necessary for all conflict stakeholders to sit down at the negotiating table to address the grievances of Anglophones in the broadest possible way. This dialogue should include the major political actors but also representatives of civil society. As important as any particular prescription will be that mediators take the necessary steps to demonstrate to Anglophones that their grievances are understood and that there is a commitment to ending the discrimination they face. This dialogue could ultimately redefine the principles of a unitary and peaceful Cameroon, where the rights of all citizens are effectively respected and taken into account.

Beyond the question of the treatment of Anglophones, the nature of the regime must be examined. Inequitable access to government services, widespread corruption, and discrimination have created a fertile ground for the emergence and violent radicalization of those with grievances. These governance deficiencies have also fueled the resentment of the larger Cameroonian population, beyond the English-speaking regions. This majority is demanding a profound change in the way the country is run. Despite Biya’s impressive longevity, the country will sooner or later have to choose a new leader. In order to deal with this scenario when it arrives, it would be useful to launch a sincere and in-depth examination of the reforms needed to move the country forward. While those around Biya may believe they can continue the same governance style after him, they underestimate the depth of the desire for change in the country, especially among youth. Rather, Cameroonian leaders will best protect their interests by initiating an ambitious reform process proactively. Time is of the essence. Experience elsewhere in Africa shows that once the dynamics of a conflict take hold, politics becomes increasingly difficult, and the consequences heavier and longer lasting.

Source: Africa Center For Strategic Studies

Now that you are here

Bank transaction: Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Banking IBAN: GB51 BARC 2049 1103 9130 15

Swift BIC BARC GB22XX

SORT CODE 20-49-11, ACCOUNT NUMBER – 03913015 Barclay PLC, UK

The Board looks forward to hearing from the readers.

Signed by the Group Chairman on behalf of the Board of Directors

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Email: soteragbawebai@gmail.com