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14, February 2019

US: Ex-Trump aide Manafort lied to FBI in Russia probe, judge rules ⁰

U.S. President Donald Trump’s former campaign manager Paul Manafort breached his plea agreement with Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s office by lying to prosecutors about matters which are material to its Russia probe, a judge ruled on Wednesday.

The ruling concludes weeks of wrangling between Manafort’s lawyers and the special counsel over whether he had intentionally lied to prosecutors, impeding their investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. election and possible collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign.

U.S. District Judge Amy Berman Jackson, who is overseeing the Manafort case in a Washington court, found there was a “preponderance” of evidence that Manafort lied on three different topics, including his communications with his former business partner Konstantin Kilimnik, whom prosecutors say has ties to Russian intelligence.

Kilimnik has denied such ties.

Jackson cleared Manafort of allegations that he intentionally lied on two other subjects – Kilimnik’s role in an obstruction of justice charge and statements Manafort made about his contacts with members of the Trump administration.

Nevertheless, the ruling will almost certainly dash Manafort’s hopes of avoiding significant time in prison, as Mueller’s prosecutors are now released from their obligation to support a lighter sentence. Sentencing experts have said Manafort, 69, could face a decade in prison.

Michael Zeldin, a former federal prosecutor, said one possible reason Manafort chose to lie was because he was hoping for a presidential pardon — echoing speculation raised by one of Mueller’s prosecutors at a court hearing last week.

“Why he lied is a great mystery unless he is covering up something of significance,” Zeldin said. “Unless he is pardoned he is going to spend the rest of his life in prison.”

The heart of the matter

The judge found that Manafort lied about his interactions with Kilimnik including about the sharing of polling data on the Trump campaign and their discussions over a “Ukrainian peace plan,” a proposal that envisioned ending U.S. sanctions on Russia – long an important objective of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s government.

A court transcript released last week showed that Mueller’s team believed those lies to be “at the heart” of their investigation into potential collusion, which Trump and Russia have both denied.

In a court filing ahead of Wednesday’s ruling, Manafort’s lawyers repeated their argument that their client never intentionally lied to prosecutors and stressed that he corrected any mistakes once they were pointed out to him.

Manafort struck the deal with Mueller in September when he pleaded guilty in Jackson’s court to conspiracy against the United States, a charge that includes a range of conduct from money laundering to failing to register as a lobbyist for pro-Russian politicians in Ukraine, as well as conspiracy to obstruct justice for his attempts to tamper with witnesses in his case.

Manafort also faces sentencing in a separate case in Virginia where a jury in August convicted him of financial crimes including failing to pay taxes on some $16 million he pocketed for his political work in Ukraine.

Manafort lawyers have said he is suffering from depression, anxiety and gout while in detention awaiting sentencing.

Given his age and health issues. Manafort had been in a position to receive some leniency prior to Jackson’s ruling, said sentencing expert Mark Allenbaugh. “That is gone now,” he said. “Manafort will serve a minimum of 10 years’ imprisonment, maybe more, for both cases.”

(REUTERS)

14, February 2019

The Butcher of Yaounde celebrates 86th birthday with extravagant party ⁰

President Paul Biya celebrated his 86 birthday with family and friends of his ruling CPDM crime syndicate in his village in the South region. It is being reported that the event cost the government of Cameroon hundreds of millions of franc CFA.

Biya’s big birthday bash was held in Mvomeka’a. He was reportedly joined by his kinsmen and women wearing clothing adorned with Biya’s image. The celebrations have proven a distraction from discussions in the country about the health of the long-time president.

Biya took power in 1982 via a French sponsored palace coup against the late Ahmadou Ahidjo. He reportedly spent the majority of the festivities sitting impassively, as his wife Chantal and other family members praised his leadership style.

Biya’s birthday party and its price tag comes at a time when the people and government of Cameroon are facing a long list of difficulties. Southern Cameroonians have declared a separate state from La Republique du Cameroun. Boko Haram continues to cause mayhem in the Far North region. The security situation in the East region is growing from bad to worse due to sporadic fighting involving militant groups from the Central African Republic. And the Cameroonian economy continues to struggle, with many young people having difficulty finding steady work.

“Many citizens can rarely have a decent meal and Biya is busy celebrating” said a French speaking Cameroonian and father of four. Anti-Biya sentiment has been growing on social media with many Cameroonians saying that the birthday party is the most irresponsible, idiotic, frivolous thing they have ever seen.

An Anglophone journalist, George Ewane of the state owned Cameroon Radio and Television recently compared Biya to Jesus Christ. But questions of Biya’s health persist. He is often seen in Geneva, Switzerland and hardly attends cabinet meetings.

By Sama Ernest

13, February 2019

Yaounde: Maurice Kamto formally charged with ‘rebellion’ ⁰

Cameroon’s opposition leader Maurice Kamto was on Tuesday charged with rebellion, insurrection and hostility against the homeland, more than two weeks after his arrest on 28 January, one of his lawyers said.

Kamto lost what he says was a fraudulent presidential election in October and was detained late last month after organising a small rally against long-serving President Paul Biya.

Security services broke up that rally with live fire, shooting and wounding six people, and have put down other rare anti-Biya protests across the country, including the main commercial city Douala and the capital Yaounde, since the vote.

There was no immediate comment from Kamto’s party and supporters whether the charges made against him on Tuesday would trigger more demonstrations. “The investigating judges charged Maurice Kamto at the military tribunal,” his lawyer Christopher Ndong told Reuters.

“This is not a judicial matter. This is politics.” Another of his lawyers, Emmanuel Simh, told Reuters the charges he faces include: “hostility against the homeland, incitement to insurrection, offence against the president of the republic, destruction of public buildings and goods.”

Twenty-two members of his Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC) are also on trial for the same charges, lawyers said.

Crushing dissent

Cameroon authorities could not immediately be reached for comment. Rights groups have accused Biya, 85, of silencing opposition voices throughout his 36-years ruling the central African cocoa and oil exporter – charges he denies.

Unrest has historically been rare in Cameroon, and when it happens it tends to be quelled with overwhelming force.

Protests erupted in its troubled western Anglophone region more than two years ago, and after they were repressed they morphed into a low level rebellion.

The United States this month said it would withhold some military aid over allegations of human rights violations, but in the same week France said its defence cooperation with Cameroon would continue.

Reuters

13, February 2019

Life after power: Where is Minister Augustine Kontchou Koumegni now? ⁰

Wheel chaired Augustine Kontchou Koumegni is slowly but surely moving towards his end. We understand his ancestors are calling!! We gathered that the former Minister of State for Communications in the CPDM crime syndicate attempted to release some memoirs but cancelled the event.

Kontchou who lied on numerous occasions to the Cameroonian people over the killings at the University of Yaounde was nicknamed “Zero Mort”. As a former Cameroon government spokesman, Kontchou is expected to reveal the ins and outs of his time with Biya. But is anyone really interested?

The former Biya acolyte has reportedly struggled to make a comeback into politics but suffered a massive stroke. Putting pen to paper is now a thing of the past. One former acquaintance said Kontchou feels so abandoned by the regime.

He added: “I think this is a really difficult time for him. He’s rethinking how he wasted his time serving Biya and the CPDM, all the decisions he made. Look at the Momos and the Kamtos from the West region, they’re all doing really well, and he’s the odd one out. He’s not been able to carve out a new life ever since he was sacked from government.”

So what else has Kontchou been up to and how will he be remembered? What has Kontchou been doing? Simply enjoying his wheel chair!!

Rita Akana

13, February 2019

Cameroon is one of the better examples of the struggle between geopolitics and human rights concerns ⁰

Allow Russia to do as they please in Africa or partner with African leaders with a history of war crimes and a tendency toward genocidal behavior? That is the conundrum American military and diplomatic leaders face. Cameroon, specifically, is one of the better examples of the struggle between geopolitics and human rights concerns.

Recently, General Thomas Waldhauser, the head of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), gave a briefing to the Senate Armed Services Committee focused on the military’s concerns in the African nation. With regard to the U.S. military’s relationship with Cameroon and the political leadership of the country, General Waldhauser said, “We were very emphatic with President Biya that the behavior of his troops, the lack of transparency, could have a significant impact on our ability to work with them.” He added that “they have been a good partner with us, counterterrorism-wise.”

Nonetheless, General Waldhauser made clear that AFRICOM is concerned about numerous reports of war crimes and atrocities committed in the African nation. Both General Waldhauser and Ambassador Peter Henry Barlerin have confronted Cameroonian President Paul Biya about these allegations. Compounding their concerns, the Trump administration has decided to cut military aid to Cameroon.

But developments in the African continent might mean that the U.S. doesn’t have many choices of partners and that it must make do with what is available. During the same briefing, General Waldhauser emphasized the threat stemming from Russia’s involvement in sub-Saharan Africa.

“By employing oligarch-funded, quasi-mercenary military advisors, particularly in countries where leaders seek unchallenged autocratic rule, Russian interests gain access to natural resources on favorable terms,” said General Waldhauser. “Some African leaders readily embrace this type of support and use it to consolidate their power and authority. This is occurring in the Central African Republic, where elected leaders mortgage mineral rights—for a fraction of their worth—to secure Russian weapons.”

Russia has been active in other African countries as well. Take for example Sudan. There, Russian private military companies (PMC) are helping the Sudanese dictator Omar al-Bashir to maintain power in the midst of popular upheaval.

Ambassador Barlerin said, “We are not going to stop security cooperation with Cameroon. We have our differences, Cameroon is a sovereign country and the United States is a sovereign country. Relations between Cameroon and the United States are excellent and longstanding and we aim to continue that relationship.”

American troops in Cameroon are mostly concerned with training their Cameroonian partners in basic soldiering and counterterrorism skills.

Thenewsrep.com

13, February 2019

Southern Cameroons War: 11 injured in ‘governor convoy attack’ ⁰

At least 11 people have been wounded in an attack on the convoy of the governor of the English-speaking region of southwestern Cameroon, sources said Tuesday.

Armed men attacked the convoy of South West governor Bernard Okalia Bilai, who was travelling with a military escort from the regional capital Buea to Kumba, about 70 kilometres (45 miles) north.

“There were eleven wounded. Several were seriously injured by bullets,” said a member of the convoy. “The convoy was attacked both on the way home and back, five times in all,” the person added.

Photos of the attack, seen by AFP, show bullet holes in the vehicles of the convoy. On Monday, four people died when gunmen raided a hospital in Kumba and burnt it to the ground.

The town, which serves as the commercial hub for the anglophone region, has been badly hit by the violence between separatists and Cameroon troops that began in October 2017.

The Southwest region and Northwest region of Cameroon are home to an anglophone minority that accounts for about a fifth of the country’s population.

Both areas, which were once ruled by Britain, have long complained of discrimination at the hands of the French-speaking majority. Separatists have been fighting for independence.

Since the start of February, at least four people have been killed in Buea, after separatists announced plans to disrupt the February 11 anniversary — the date of a referendum that brought together French and English Cameroon in 1961.

Over the past 16 months, there have been regular clashes between troops and groups of separatists who have attacked police stations, schools and staged mass kidnappings.

UN figures show around 437,000 people have been forced out of their homes by the ongoing conflict, with another 32,000 fleeing across the border to neighbouring Nigeria.

Cameroon’s veteran leader Paul Biya, 85, won a seventh consecutive term in last October’s disputed presidential election. He has held power for 36 years.

AFP

13, February 2019

Nigeria’s President Isn’t a Democrat. He’s a Liar. ⁰

As Nigerians gear up to choose their president on Feb. 16, there is good reason to fear a return to military-style dictatorship. Following incumbent Muhammadu Buhari’s extraconstitutional suspension in January of Nigeria’s chief judge, who heads the Supreme Court that has final say in election disputes, the main opposition candidate, Atiku Abubakar, requested U.S. and EU intervention for the “survival of Nigeria’s democracy.”

This is more than idle rhetoric. Buhari, an ex-general who led a short-lived military junta in the 1980s, was elected president in 2015 by Nigerians who (like this writer) accepted his claims to be a “reformed democrat.” However, his four years in office have highlighted the difference between accepting the principle of elective government and being a true democrat. In Nigeria, like elsewhere in today’s world, the biggest threat to democracy comes not from generals instigating coups but from authoritarians-at-heart winning elections, only to use their democratic mandate to rule anti-democratically.

Half of Nigeria’s 59-year post-colonial history has been spent under various military dictatorships, but this year marks the 20th anniversary of the return to democratic rule. While the country has seen its fair share of ups and downs during this period, some tangible progress has been made in the spheres of freedom of expression, judicial independence, rule of law, and general civil liberties—and certainly in comparison with the military era.

In the past four years, however, Buhari’s government has serially ignored court orders, harassed and arrested journalists and activists, deployed security services to intimidate political opponents, and unforgivably sanctioned the killings of hundreds of unarmed civilians on multiple occasions with the impunity of a power-drunk dictatorship. Yes, security services have been known to overreact even in advanced democracies, and civilians sometimes get hurt in the process. But what distinguishes governments committed to upholding fundamental human rights—such as the right to not be killed while demonstrating peacefully—are the post-incident actions they undertake to ensure such tragedies never repeat themselves. No such luck with the Buhari government.

Following the recent army killing of unarmed protesters in October 2018, rather than express remorse, Nigeria’s army brass falsely claimed that demonstrators had attacked soldiers who simply did what President Donald Trump told U.S. soldiers to do in the same situation: start shooting. Such callous impunity can only thrive in an army confident that its commander in chief will indulge such excesses. Buhari is, by any reasonable standard, personally responsible for the killings of unarmed civilians going unpunished under his watch.

In addition to all this, opposition figures such as former President Olusegun Obasanjo are warning that Buhari’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party is readying to rig the Feb. 16 elections, an allegation lent credence by the irregularities and violence involved in a recent gubernatorial poll that the APC was determined to win at all costs. In perhaps the Freudian slip of the year, commenting on the gubernatorial election, ruling party chairman Adams Oshiomhole said: “I think that for democracy to flourish, only people who can accept the pain of rigging—sorry, defeat—should participate in an election.”

The international community is thus right to raise concerns about whether the upcoming election will be free and fair. On Feb. 16, Nigerians will be choosing not only their president but also their national assembly. Taking into consideration Buhari’s dismissive behavior towards the judiciary, a potentially rigged clean sweep of the executive and legislative arms of government by himself and his party could usher in an era of dangerously centralized power imperiling Nigeria’s modest democratic gains since the end of military rule in 1999. As of today, there are no credible polls indicating who might win the presidential election, and it is probably a toss-up.

The fact that Buhari still retains significant support among Nigerians despite his anti-democratic behavior requires explanation. One major reason is that Nigeria’s top political actors are all so morally compromised that an appeal by any of them to higher principles can always be persuasively dismissed by their opponents as hypocritical nonsense.

For instance, Atiku, Buhari’s main rival who accuses him of weakening democracy, has faced numerous allegations of corruption since serving as Nigeria’s vice president from 1999 to 2007. Additionally, the government that Atiku was a prominent member of itself oversaw massive election rigging and deployed widespread violence to stay in power. Meanwhile, Obasanjo, who is now accusing Buhari of wanting to rig the February election, was president at the time and once exhorted his party members to treat an upcoming election as a “do-or-die affair.”

Walter Onnoghen, the chief judge whom Buhari suspended, is claiming unconvincingly that it was due to “forgetfulness” that he did not disclose several sizable foreign currency accounts in his asset declaration. Moreover, prior to his suspension, he used his position to obstruct investigations into the matter. Corruption runs deep in the highest echelons of Nigeria’s judiciary. Many regular citizens thus feel scant sympathy for judges being muscled by the executive. They’re seen as part and parcel of the country’s corrupt elite, certainly no friends of the ordinary man.

Nigerian politics suffers from a moral vacancy, an acute shortage of credible political actors who could plausibly champion democratic values and set standards that others feel compelled to live up to. Ignoble actors evoking noble values they rarely uphold do not make for effective democratic role models. Hence many Buhari supporters remain unmoved by opposition claims that he is a danger to Nigeria’s democracy. To them, his rivals are hardly better democrats. Moreover, many Nigerians still see Buhari as, if not incorruptible, definitely far less corrupt than rivals like Atiku.

It also needs to be said that some Nigerian voters support Buhari precisely because of his strong-arm tactics. In a society where the corrupt always seem to have the upper hand and always seem able to defy institutional attempts to bring them to book, it is understandable that the instinct for some basic societal justice can easily translate into an impatience with institutions that appear stacked with people unable or unwilling to deliver basic justice.

This creates the opportunity for populist authoritarianism to hold significant appeal. Buhari’s justification of his suspension of the chief judge appealed directly to this societal hunger for justice. Pointing to Onnoghen’s attempts to frustrate investigations into his false asset declaration, he argued: “If justice cannot be done and clearly seen to be done, society itself is at risk of the most unimaginable chaos.” Nigeria’s political reality is stubbornly defiant of any simple good versus evil narrative.

In the final analysis, however, Buhari’s authoritarian actions cannot be described as anything other than detrimental to Nigeria’s democracy. The judiciary, as flawed as it is, has played a stabilizing role in post-election disputes, which in a country as volatile as Nigeria always have the potential to descend into violent confrontation. In a society as ethnically and religiously divided as Nigeria’s, democracy is as fragile as an egg; if not handled carefully, it could drop and shatter into a thousand pieces impossible to glue back together. That’s why it’s critical for the country’s judiciary to get reformed and strengthened by rooting out corruption within its ranks rather than suffering diminishment by Buhari. In practical terms, this would require corrupt judges to be weeded out by their peers, rather than by the politicians they are meant to hold accountable.

Irrespective of who wins the Feb. 16 election, the next few years must be spent ensuring that cornerstone values—such as rule of law, equality before the law, accountable government, free and fair elections, the right to nonviolent protest, and a free press—become sacred nonnegotiables in Nigerian public life, the democratic equivalent of the Ten Commandments. These are the dogmas of democracy, and only those who uphold them are truly worthy of calling themselves democrats.

Culled from Foreign Policy.Com

12, February 2019

Pressure on Biya to release student ⁰

Human rights activists are calling on the authorities in Cameroon to release a student arrested last week in the country’s Anglophone regions.

Emeline Njongwan had shared a video showing dozens of students being led from hostels to the police station.

The Director of the Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa, Felix Agbor Nkongho, condemned the arrest which he said was part of a government strategy to ensure people kept silent about abuses committed by the military in Cameroon.

A secessionist rebellion in the two English speaking regions of the country has displaced hundreds of thousands of people. On Monday, four people died when a hospital was burnt down in the town of Kumba.

News Day

12, February 2019

Open Letter to President Paul Biya of Cameroon ⁰

Dear President Paul Biya,

For almost three years, I have been thinking of writing a very private mail to you, but given the administrative challenges and stories of you never replying to letters, especially those that contain ideas that are not music to your ears, I have opted to talk to you through an open letter.

For more than three decades, you have been telling Cameroonians that you are aware that they are suffering and that you would do anything in your power to improve upon their economic and financial circumstances, but for more than three decades, not much has changed and Cameroonians earnestly think that they are already living in hell.

Across the country, there are complaints of economic hardship. Our parents have worked and retired on derisory incomes. Their retirement benefits are just too small for many of them to survive for a long time.

Besides the amount of money they receive for their pension, there is also the issue of getting the money when they need it the most. It has become normal in Cameroon for people to retire and go without their retirement income for years. I can vividly recall that when you came to power in October 1982, you promised that the issues at the Ministry of Finance would be promptly addressed. I was in high school at the time and for more than 36 years after you made that promise, things at the Ministry of Finance have changed, but for the worse, making it hard for some of our compatriots to live a decent life after retirement.

During your 36 years in power, I have already worked for almost three decades. I have worked in the private sector and I have also worked as a civil servants in Cameroon’s public service. I have worked at the international level and I am today winding down as I have less than a decade to work. If I were still in Cameroon, I would be heading out of the civil service in Cameroon for retirement while you will still be in power. The issues you promised to address have endured and for 36 years, you have conducted state affairs in a manner that leaves much to be desired. The story is that you have no regard for the people you government and these are the people who were very happy to see you accede your country’s highest office.

Well, Cameroonians are used to tolerating a lot and they have learned to put up with the corruption and inefficiency that have become your regime’s hallmark. But over the last five years, your complacency has hit new highs with millions of young Cameroonians looking outward for opportunities. It is rare today for young Cameroonians to hold that they have a place in the country you rule. Cameroon is no longer a good place for the poor and millions of our young men and women are heading abroad for greener pastures. The brain drain in Cameroon calls for significant economic reforms. A country can only develop if its resources are used internally and if the people have faith in the system.

Looking at those who surround you, it is clear that your regime prioritizes the old over the young. Your collaborators have been in the corridors of power for decades and this has resulted in them developing a do-nothing attitude. Your ministers are people who have, on many occasion, been indicated by the public of corruption and their ages make it hard for them to deliver the goods Cameroonians have been looking forward to for more than three decades. I know if I were in Cameroon, you would still be considering me as a young person, though I am in my mid-fifties. This is not fair to our young men and women who are a lot smarter than people of your generation. As most economies become digital, it is but normal for our young men to be given a greater say in the management of state affairs.

But this is not where it hurts the most. It is the political and military chaos that have put our country in the spotlight that are compelling me to send you this letter. For almost three years, the former West Cameroon has been in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons. A peaceful strike by teachers and lawyers in 2016 has finally morphed into a civil war that might tear the country apart if you continue to pursue you military actions in the region.

Today, the military under the instruction of the defense minister, Joseph Beti Assomou, has engaged in a scorch earth policy that will cost the government – I mean the one after you – tons of money to rebuild some of the infrastructure that your soldiers are destroying in West Cameroon. Hospitals, schools, prisons, private homes and other facilities are being burnt down by your soldiers in the hope that the people will yield. I wish you and your military could understand that you never win a war. You seek to win peace and that should be your approach and objective at your age. You have nothing to prove and no power, no money and no wealth should excite you at 87.
Your military has sent innocent Cameroonian civilians into exile. Thousands of women and children are living rough in Nigeria. Thousands are hiding in the bushes for fear of being killed by soldiers who are supposed to be protecting them. Children are being born in these jungles and many do not have access to clean drinking water. Does this not bother you as a father and grandfather?

Thousands of English-speaking Cameroonian children are currently not going to school and this does not seem to bother you and your government. I thought at your age, your cardinal objective should be to ensure that after you, Cameroon continues to exist as a single geo-political entity that will make its people proud and happy to be living in such a lovely and rich country.

Thousands of English-speaking Cameroonians are today internally displaced. Many have been shot and killed by your soldiers for no just reason. Many women and men of your age have been roasted to death just because they were incapable of running away when your army showed up at their doors. I thought old age should be that moment when people should enjoy some serenity and peace. But your soldiers have proven that they have no regard for the old. Where have we kept that respect and love for the old that make Africa the envy of the world?

But in the English-speaking regions of today, your soldiers have made old age a crime for which its punishment is burning while alive. Why have you unleashed such a violent reign of terror on your own people? Why have you allowed a small difference of opinion to morph into such a violent war where killing has become a sport in Cameroon; a sport in which your soldiers are excelling? What have Cameroonians done to deserve such treatment? I am a witness of history and I can say, without fear of contradiction that your fellow countrymen considered you in 1982 as the best thing to have happened to their country.

Today, they all are looking back in anger. Parents are weeping for the loss of their children. Children are weeping for the loss of their parents. Entire villages and towns are mourning because of the crimes your soldiers have committed against the people. How do you think it will be possible for this people to live with you in the same country after all the pain and suffering you have inflicted on them?

As a child growing up, I was made to understand that with age, I should instead be thinking of making peace and ensuring that those who will live after me do not go through what I have gone through. For close to three years, I have watched you very closely. I have listened to your speeches with rapt attention and I have been reflecting on whether age really brings wisdom to everybody.

I would like to use this medium to advise that you have not conducted yourself as that person who is supposed to make our country an oasis of peace. Your actions over the last three years have clearly shown that you want to take the country down with you. You should have proven that you are a man of peace by listen to calls from the international community for a peaceful and inclusive dialogue.

While you may be right that Cameroon cannot be allowed to be fragmented on linguistic lines, I would be prompt at pointing out that if you had listened to the voices of frustration right from the beginning, we would have spared our country the agony that might last for centuries. If you do not listen to a people, you might never understand their frustrations. If you do not listen to them, you might never convince them that the path they are walking is not the most appropriate for them and their kids. Instead of unleashing a reign of terror on them, I think you should have used your high office to ensure all the children of Cameroon live in peace and harmony by listening to each and every one of them and providing strict guidance on how to make things better for every Cameroonian.

Today, Cameroon is imploding. There is no way English-speaking Cameroonians will ever feel comfortable in a country that sees them as second-class citizens and intimidates them into silence. While we all are hankering after peace as you said in New York in 2017, I would like to point out that negotiated peace is the type of peace that can last a lifetime. Imposed peace never lasts. It will collapse like a pack of cards even before it gets implemented.

A lot might have gone wrong, but there is still time for us, as citizens of the same country, to take a look at what has gone wrong in our country with the objective of making amends. We should be looking back, but not in anger as anger is a bad master. We should be looking back with a view to fixing what is broken and to addressing those things that have caused a lot of frustration in our country.

Mr. President, walking the path of peace is not a weakness. Despite the long time he spent in jail, Nelson Mandela decided to walk the path of peace so as to give future generations a greater chance at life. He did not call for war because a lot of injustice had been committed against him. He understood that nobody has ever won a war. It takes a lot of wisdom, a lot of selflessness and a lot of determination to understand that it is peace that should be our goal and not war. It is not too late for you to reverse your declaration of war against the English-speaking population of the country.

Great men are not just those who have lasted long in power. Great men are people with noble minds. While you are still alive and you have some authority – although those around you are manipulating things – I would urge you to embrace the inclusive dialogue that many have exhorted you to embrace. No killings or burning of homes will make thing better. Talk to the people of the North West and Southwest regions directly. Talk to them from your heart. Let them know that mistakes have been made. Sue for peace. Suing for peace is not a sign of weakness. Only people with noble minds have the courage to choose peace over war. You can do it. You still have the time to achieve something that will make Cameroon great again.

I look forward to a prompt reaction from you and your government.

Sincerely,

Joachim Arrey, Ph.D.
Brampton, Ontario, Canada.
arreyjoachim@hotmail.com

12, February 2019

Burning Down Kumba Hospital: UN boss has no credibility, Covers up Biya, Took Biya’s golden statue ⁰

Now after UN Secretary General Guterres bragged again, this time in French, about his talks with Biya’s government, Cameroon forces have burned down the hospital in Kumba in the Anglophone Southwest Region. The UN usually calls attacks on medical facilities a war crime but as we have seen, Biya’s Cameroon is a special case for Guterres, since it chaired the UN Budget Committee. Guterres is entirely silent on Biya’s lock up of Njongwan Emeline, for filming a video of the arrest of dozens of young people in Buea early this week.

As Guterres pledges his support to Biya, he remains locked up. Birds of the same feather flock together. As he left the African Union summit on February 10, Guterres took questions in French and answered this on Cameroon; we are following the situation to which you referred. Yesterday we had a dialogue with the Prime Minister [of Cameroon] and he promised us all this to create conditions of respect for human rights and dialogue so that the situation could normalize. It was the result of our approach with the Prime Minister who was with us last night.”

Guterres has no credibility on Cameroon – he covered up Biya’s slaughter since Cameroon was chair of the UN Budget Committee, took Biya’s golden statue, days and counting and bragged he spoke six times with Biya.

The Secretary-General met Mr. Joseph Dion Ngute, Prime Minister of the Republic of Cameroon on the margins of the African Union Summit. They discussed the latest political developments in the country, including the situation in the North-West and South-West regions. The Secretary-General reiterated the readiness of the United Nations to continue to support Cameroon in its efforts to strengthen peace, democracy and development.

Inner Press