About soter

Posts by :

1, August 2026

Biya’s Health: CPDM political bureau must act before uncertainty becomes crisis ⁰

Speculation surrounding President Paul Biya’s condition and political future has once again exposed a fundamental weakness in Cameroon’s governance: the absence of a clear and credible transition strategy. Whether the rumor proves true or false is ultimately secondary to the larger issue. A nation of millions cannot afford to have its future held hostage by uncertainty.

The responsibility now rests squarely with the Political Bureau of the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM). As the governing party and the country’s dominant political force for decades, it has both the authority and the obligation to reassure citizens that the state remains stable, functional and prepared for every eventuality.

An emergency session of the Political Bureau should be convened without delay. Such a meeting would not be an admission of crisis; rather, it would demonstrate responsible leadership and institutional maturity. Every enduring political organization must be capable of managing succession in an orderly and transparent manner.

Cameroon stands at a defining moment. The country’s economic challenges, security concerns and aspirations of its youthful population demand leadership that is present, energetic and capable of engaging directly with the realities of the day. Prolonged ambiguity serves no one. It fuels speculation, unsettles investors, weakens public confidence and creates unnecessary political tension.

The CPDM Political Bureau should use an emergency session to chart a clear path forward by identifying and endorsing a new leader capable of uniting the party and presenting a compelling vision for the nation’s future. Such a decision should be guided by competence, integrity, experience and a commitment to national cohesion rather than factional interests.

This is not merely about preserving the fortunes of the CPDM. It is about protecting the stability of the Republic. History has shown that countries fare best when leadership transitions are managed through strong institutions rather than uncertainty and rumor.

Cameroonians deserve clarity. They deserve confidence that their institutions are prepared for tomorrow regardless of today’s speculation. The ruling party has an opportunity to demonstrate that it places the nation’s interests above political hesitation.

The time for silence has passed. The time for decisive, responsible leadership is now. The CPDM Political Bureau should convene an emergency session immediately and provide the country with a clear, credible roadmap for the future through the selection of a new national chairman.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

1, August 2026

CPDM Crime Syndicate: 3 state-owned companies account for 93% of public enterprise debt ⁰

Three state-owned companies—SONARA, Camair-Co, and CAMTEL—account for nearly all of the direct domestic debt currently reported for Cameroon’s public enterprises, underscoring how a handful of companies dominate the government’s commercial-sector debt exposure.

According to data from the Autonomous Sinking Fund (CAA) analyzed by Investir au Cameroun, the three companies carried a combined CFA297.3 billion ($510 million) in direct domestic debt as of the end of June 2026, representing 93% of the CFA319.6 billion outstanding across public enterprises and establishments.

The figure does not include floating debt or the liabilities of the Cameroon Electricity Company (Socadel), which are still being assessed.

The reported debt stock was unchanged from May. However, it declined by 0.8% over three months and by 8.3% year over year. These changes apply only to direct domestic debt contracted by public entities and exclude other categories of liabilities tracked separately by the CAA.

SONARA Alone Represents Nearly 60% of the Total

With CFA191.3 billion in outstanding debt, the National Refining Company (SONARA) remains by far the country’s most indebted public enterprise in this category, accounting for 59.9% of the total portfolio.

The CAA breaks down SONARA’s debt into CFA162.4 billion in bank loans and CFA28.8 billion owed to suppliers. The rounded figures add up to CFA191.2 billion, leaving a CFA100 million difference from the published total, likely due to rounding in the report.

Despite remaining the largest debtor, SONARA has reduced its outstanding debt by CFA8.2 billion since December 2025, when it stood at CFA199.5 billion. The 4.1% decline comes as the company continues to seek financing for the rehabilitation of its refinery, whose operations were halted after a fire in May 2019.

Camair-Co ranks second with CFA62.4 billion, equal to 19.5% of the reported debt stock. Its outstanding debt has remained unchanged since December 2025.

CAMTEL completes the top three with CFA43.6 billion, or 13.6% of the total. The state-owned telecommunications operator reduced its domestic debt by CFA5.9 billion, or 11.9%, compared with the CFA49.5 billion recorded at the end of June 2025.

All other public entities combined account for just CFA22.3 billion, or 7% of the portfolio. The Cameroon Development Corporation carries CFA9.4 billion in debt, followed by FEICOM with CFA7.6 billion, Camwater with CFA5.2 billion, and the Port Authority of Douala with CFA100 million.

Floating Debt Adds Another CFA156.5 Billion

The 93% concentration does not include the floating debt of public enterprises, which the CAA tracks separately.

That category totaled CFA156.5 billion at the end of June 2026, down 19.5% from a year earlier.

Tax and customs obligations make up the largest share at 68.6%, or about CFA107.4 billion. Commercial debt accounts for 21.3%, or CFA33.3 billion. Academic debt represents about CFA13 billion, or 8.3% of the total, while social security obligations amount to CFA2.8 billion, or 1.8%.

The breakdown shows that the liabilities of public enterprises extend beyond bank borrowing and supplier debt to include unpaid taxes, customs duties, social contributions, and other obligations accumulated through day-to-day operations.

Socadel Could Significantly Change the Debt Picture

The CAA notes that the CFA319.6 billion reported for direct domestic debt does not yet include the liabilities of Socadel, created following the renationalization of former power utility Eneo.

The assessment of those liabilities is still underway, based on a preliminary estimate of roughly CFA800 billion.

Taken on its own, that indicative amount is about two and a half times larger than the entire direct domestic debt currently reported for public enterprises. However, it cannot be added directly to the CFA319.6 billion until the CAA finalizes the assessment and determines how the liabilities should be classified, including bank debt, supplier obligations, tax liabilities, social contributions, and any overlapping claims involving other public entities.

As a result, while SONARA, Camair-Co, and CAMTEL currently account for 93% of the direct domestic debt officially reported by the CAA, that concentration reflects only the published portfolio. Once Socadel’s liabilities are incorporated, the financial profile of Cameroon’s state-owned commercial sector could change substantially.

Source: Business in Cameroon

31, July 2026

Biya may have suffered a stroke ⁰

Speculation is swirling that President Paul Biya has suffered a massive stroke and is gravely ill in a private clinic in Geneva, Switzerland. A Belgian brain surgeon recruited by the Biya family is believed to have flown to Geneva to treat the 93-year-old dictator; a well-placed source has hinted Cameroon Intelligence Report.

Africa’s most unpredictable nation is thought to be heading for a succession crisis involving the three pillars of state – the Biya family, the army and the ruling CPDM Party… after a record 53-day absence by the world’s oldest head of state in his native Cameroon.

There is no sign of Biya, 93, anywhere in Yaoundé and the country’s state media CRTV is silent about his absence.

“There is reason to believe President Paul Biya has suffered a serious health setback, possibly a stroke,” a Cameroonian intelligence official told Cameroon Intelligence Report, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Another official hinted our Yaoundé City correspondent that reports of Biya’s possible health problems are based in part on intelligence gathered by several people in the know and that rumours had been circulating for months about the state of Biya’s health and his control over the Cameroon government.

“What we do know is that he has been out of the country for 53 days now,” a CEMAC intelligence official said, speaking on condition of anonymity about the Biya administration’s internal assessment. “53 days is quite unusual and reinforces a lot of what the international community is hearing.”

While Cameroon military officials have been speaking and suing for anonymity, the CPDM government has said little publicly.

Biya’s last public appearance was in May, and rumours about his health began circulating soon after.

A top army brass, General Tchemo who recently questioned the president’s prolonged absence from the country and was sent on retirement has even stated that Biya may have died and that his acolytes may be planning to use body doubles at public events.

Biya, known to Cameroonians as “Mis-Leader in Chief,” took over the reins of Cameroon’s highly centralized Francophone dominated government when the late President Ahmadou Ahidjo resigned.

Biya has so many children from different mothers, but has not publicly named any of them as his successor.

His rumoured health issues come as Cameroon is facing the worst socio-economic crisis it’s seen since the 1990s.

The army and the national gendarmerie are holding secret talks about their shared fear of instability.

By Rita Akana

31, July 2026

AC Milan ‘in tears’ at death of Italian football legend Baresi ⁰

Italian defender Franco Baresi, the captain of AC Milan in the 1980s and 1990s when they won three European Cups and six Italian league titles, has died at the age of 66, the club announced on Friday.

“Milan is in tears following the passing of Franco Baresi. His example and integrity will be forever etched into the Club’s DNA, just as his iconic number 6 shirt is,” AC Milan, of which Baresi became honorary vice-president in 2020, wrote on X.

“We must be strong and gather every bit of energy, even at this saddest of times.

“We lost Franco only a few months after his last public appearance in a packed San Siro, at the Milan Winter Olympics opening ceremony, an event on the world stage he helped make unforgettable.

“In memory of Franco, we stand united, knowing he’ll guide and push us throughout our Rossoneri journey. Forever. Because Baresi is forever.”

A World Cup winner with Italy in 1982 and a finalist at the 1994 World Cup, Baresi is regarded as one of the greatest sweepers in football history.

AC Milan did not specify the cause of Baresi’s death.

He had undergone surgery in August 2025 to remove a lung nodule.

“It will take me a little time to get all my strength back,” he said shortly afterwards.

Born in Lombardy in May 1960, Baresi joined AC Milan’s youth teams in 1974, before moving up to the first team in 1978 ahead of his 18th birthday.

He then became a starter at 18 and captain at 22, noticed for his technique, anticipation and tackling skills, as well as his notable leadership qualities.

Baresi went on to form, alongside Paolo Maldini, Mauro Tassotti and Alessandro Costacurta, a defence feared by every striker in Europe.

He retired in 1997 after 719 matches with the Rossoneri, a record surpassed only by Maldini.

“Today I feel the same thing as to when for one reason or another you were unable to be on the pitch with us,” said Maldini.

“How are we going to cope without our captain?”

‘Greatest of defenders’

Gianluigi Buffon, Italy’s 2006 World Cup-winning goalkeeper, said his Serie A debut for Parma had stayed with him.

“November 19, 1995, I made my debut in Serie A against Milan,” he wrote.

“I was 17… to be on the pitch against such a champion was an unbelievable experience.”

In addition to his red and black club jersey, Baresi wore the blue of the Nazionale 81 times.

But after a World Cup title from the bench in 1982, he did not make the trip to Mexico in 1986 following a disagreement with the national coach.

Penalty shootouts, in the semi-final of the 1990 World Cup and then in the final in 1994, shattered his hopes of another triumph.

A Diego Maradona-led Argentina were their nemesis in the 1990 semi-final, but the late Argentinian superstar had paid him the greatest tribute when his club Napoli beat Milan 3-0 in a Serie A game the year before.

He asked for Baresi’s shirt and donned it in a post-match interview.

“He is the greatest of defenders. It is a memory I will keep for the rest of my life,” he said.

Baresi performed various roles for Milan in his retirement, the only time he spent away from them was a brief spell as technical director of English club Fulham.

“Ultimately, it was only a month: before the end of August, I was already back in Milan,” he told Gazzetta dello Sport in 2025.

“I realised it wasn’t the place for me, and in the end, I didn’t even start working. The umbilical cord with Milan was never broken.”

However, he was never a man to feature in the gossip pages preferring to spend time abroad for the Milan Foundation which he found educational and rewarding.

“With Fondazione Milan, I witnessed poverty in Kenya and Morocco,” he told Gazzetta.

“In Lebanon, I played football in the street with children. These are emotions that have completed me.”

Source: AFP

31, July 2026

53 days and counting: where is Paul Biya? ⁰

A record 53-day absence by the world’s oldest head of state has renewed speculation in his native Cameroon about whether he is dead or alive, even though discussing his health is illegal in the country.

On 7 June, 93-year-old Paul Biya left for Switzerland for what officials described as a “brief private stay” alongside his wife, Chantal. Almost two months later, neither the president nor the first lady have addressed the country or been seen publicly.

Biya, who took office in 1982 after a seven-year stint as prime minister, has taken increasingly long absences from Cameroon in recent years, spending much of his time at the five-star InterContinental hotel in Geneva.

No official timetable has been announced for the president’s return from his latest trip abroad, leaving Cameroonians to rely on a succession of conflicting statements from government officials.

The minister of communication, René Emmanuel Sadi, said Biya was in good health and “working from Geneva, where he currently resides”.

“Reports claiming otherwise are pure fantasy and malicious manipulation aimed at destabilising opinion,” he added. Jacques Fame Ndongo, a senior official from the ruling party and the higher education minister, said Biya had been “meticulously following the files submitted to him by his aides … wherever he is”.

The labour minister, Grégoire Owona, gave a different explanation, saying the president was on annual leave and comparing him to regular Cameroonian citizens. “Paul Biya, elected by the Cameroonian people and paid by them, is a worker who has the right to annual leave,” he said. “His employer is obliged to grant it. He informed his employer before leaving and will do the same upon his return.”

Cameroonian authorities banned discussion of Biya’s health in October 2024, during another absence. Nevertheless, local media have published claims in recent weeks that he is critically ill, and jokes about Biya being a work-from-abroad president or a remote-work president have resurfaced on social media.

Mamadou Mota, the vice-president of the opposition Cameroon Renaissance Movement party, said Biya’s latest absence had created a “glaring institutional vacuum”. “A country cannot be governed by remote control while critical socioeconomic challenges go unaddressed,” he said.

Last November, Biya was sworn in for his eighth consecutive seven-year term, a month after a presidential election marred by widespread allegations of irregularities and voter suppression. Although the Constitutional Council dismissed post-electoral complaints by opposition parties, many of them refused to recognise the outcome, arguing that the election had further eroded public confidence in Cameroon’s democratic institutions.

Biya has yet to name a government since being sworn in for his latest term. With parliamentary and municipal elections expected in early 2027, many are worried that the ripple effect of that and his prolonged absence could disrupt the electoral cycle.

Cameroon has the largest economy in central Africa, but unemployment rates, high inflation and poor public infrastructure are stymieing the prospects of its young people, who make up about two-thirds of its estimated population of 30.6 million.

“Politics should be about serving the people, but the [ruling] CPDM [party] appears more interested in holding on to power than addressing the concerns of Cameroonians,” said Kohtem Sambit, the secretary general of the opposition Movement for Patriotism and People’s Prosperity.

“The minister of the economy borrowed more than 21bn [Central African francs] in the name of the Cameroonian people, saying it was approved by Mr Biya,” Sambit told the Guardian. “How do we justify this? You do not see the person who signed, nor do you know his whereabouts. That debt will be paid by the public.”

Referring to Owona’s remarks, Sambit said: “If the president is on annual leave, he is still accountable to the Cameroonian people because he is paid with taxpayers’ money. His whereabouts should therefore be disclosed.”

Another opposition party, the Social Democratic Front, has argued that the issue is not whether the president has a constitutional right to travel, but rather the government’s failure to explain the extension of what had initially been described as a brief private visit. Another opposition leader, Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya, of the Cameroon Democratic Union, has called for an impartial procedure to determine any “temporary or permanent incapacity of the head of state”.

In April, parliament reintroduced the office of vice-president as part of a constitutional overhaul, but the position has yet to be filled, leaving Cameroon without a designated deputy should the president become incapacitated. As Biya’s son and stepson reportedly jockey for position, public disagreements between cabinet ministers have become commonplace.

Last week, the party’s secretary general, Jean Nkuete, convened a rare meeting of senior party officials. The CPDM described the gathering only as an “important working session” and did not release an agenda or further details. Attempts to obtain comment from senior party figures were unsuccessful. Several party officials have declined interview requests, citing personal reasons.

For the businessman Nji Lucas, the president’s prolonged absence has become an economic concern. “I do not have confidence because it is almost as if the country is on autopilot,” he said. “No serious investor wants to commit resources in a country where there is uncertainty over political leadership. There is no trust, and investors require certainty before making long-term decisions.”

Culled from The Guardian

30, July 2026

A lasting gesture of solidarity with Bishop Lysinge: Thank You, Governor Peter Obi ⁰

There are moments in history when a single act of generosity quietly shapes the future in ways that few could have imagined. Such acts often transcend politics, nationality including personal interest and it becomes enduring symbols of human solidarity. One such moment occurred when Governor Peter Obi of Nigeria extended a helping hand to the Diocese of Mamfe in Cameroon through the late Bishop Francis Teke Lysinge.

During the African Synod on the Family in Enugu, Bishop Francis Lysinge had the opportunity to meet Governor Peter Obi. In their brief audience, the Bishop shared the immense challenges facing the Diocese of Mamfe, particularly the struggle to complete the Cathedral and the Bishop’s House projects. The Diocese was young, resources were scarce and the dreams of the faithful depended greatly on the goodwill of friends.

Governor Peter Obi did not merely listen; he acted. He generously contributed ten thousand US dollars to support these important projects. It was a remarkable gesture not because of the amount alone, but because it reflected a profound belief that the Church’s mission deserves support wherever it serves humanity. Governor Peter Obi’s generosity crossed national borders, demonstrating that compassion recognizes no artificial boundaries.

History would later reveal an extraordinary irony. The Bishop’s House in Mamfe, whose construction benefited from Governor Peter Obi’s contribution, became the venue where Nigeria’s Vice President, Atiku Abubakar was received during a discreet visit to Mamfe in connection with discussions surrounding the implementation of the Bakassi Agreement between Nigeria and Cameroon. What began as an act of kindness toward a struggling diocese ultimately contributed to creating a space that would later host an event of diplomatic significance between two neighbouring nations.

More importantly, Governor Peter Obi’s gift strengthened the pastoral mission of the Diocese of Mamfe. The Cathedral and the Bishop’s House were not simply buildings of brick and mortar. They became centers of prayer, administration, pastoral care and service to thousands of Catholics and members of the wider community. They stand today as reminders that generosity invested in faith communities produces dividends that extend far beyond the original intention.

As we remember the late Bishop Francis Lysinge, whose vision and perseverance laid the foundations of the Diocese of Mamfe, it is fitting also to acknowledge those who stood with him during moments of difficulty. Governor Peter Obi was one of those friends. His support came at a time when it was needed most and it remains part of the living history of the Diocese.

In a world often divided by politics, ethnicity and national borders, Governor Peter Obi demonstrated that authentic leadership is measured not only by governance but also by compassion. His willingness to support a Cameroonian diocese reflected the shared values that unite Africans: brotherhood, faith, mutual respect and the conviction that we rise by lifting one another.

The clergy, religious and faithful of the Diocese of Mamfe have every reason to remember this gesture with gratitude. Acts of generosity may fade from newspaper and television headlines, but they remain etched in the memories of those whose lives they transform.

To Governor Peter Obi, we say thank you. Thank you for believing in the mission of the Church beyond your own country. Thank you for standing beside Bishop Francis Lysinge during a crucial chapter in the history of the Diocese of Mamfe. Thank you for demonstrating that true leadership leaves behind not only policies and speeches but also enduring legacies of hope, generosity and service.

May this noble act continue to inspire leaders across Africa to build bridges of friendship, support institutions that serve humanity and recognize that the greatest investments are often those made in people, faith and the common good.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Chairman/Editor-In-Chief

Cameroon Concord News Group

30, July 2026

Tchiroma, Akere, Kamto: an opposition that still cannot seize the moment ⁰

More than 50 days into President Paul Biya’s latest stay in Switzerland, Cameroon has once again found itself confronting familiar questions about presidential absence, succession and the future of governance. Yet if this prolonged absence has exposed the vulnerabilities of an aging political system, it has also revealed an equally uncomfortable truth: the Cameroonian opposition remains unable to transform political opportunity into a credible national movement.

For years, opposition leaders have argued that President Biya’s long rule has exhausted the country’s political institutions and that Cameroon urgently needs democratic renewal. If that diagnosis is correct, then the president’s extended stay abroad should have represented a defining political moment. Instead, Issa Tchiroma, Akere Muna, Maurice Kamto, Joshua Osih and others have largely settled for press conferences, social media statements and isolated criticisms that have failed to generate sustained national momentum.

The problem is not a lack of grievances. Cameroon faces persistent economic pressures, youth unemployment, insecurity in several regions and widespread public frustration over governance. These concerns are real and deeply felt. What has been missing is an opposition capable of organizing these frustrations into a coherent political project.

Too often, opposition parties such as the SDF, MRC, UNDP and of late Issa Tchiroma’s majority following appear more invested in competing with one another than in building a united front. Personal rivalries overshadow strategic cooperation. Leaders who speak passionately about change frequently struggle to agree on common priorities or a shared electoral strategy. The result is fragmentation at precisely the moment when unity would carry the greatest political weight.

The inability to capitalize on President Biya’s prolonged absence also raises questions about preparation. Effective opposition movements do not wait for political openings to develop policies, grassroots networks or leadership structures. They spend years building credibility so that when circumstances shift, they are ready to offer themselves as a convincing alternative. In Cameroon, that level of preparation has often been lacking.

Many Cameroonians seeking change are left asking a difficult question: if the opposition cannot organize effectively during one of the most politically symbolic periods in recent years, how can it persuade voters that it is prepared to govern a complex country?

Criticism of the government alone is no longer enough. Cameroonians increasingly want practical proposals on economic recovery, employment, national reconciliation, decentralization, security and institutional reform. An opposition that defines itself solely by opposition risks only reinforces the perception that it has no governing vision beyond replacing those currently in power.

This is not to ignore the genuine constraints facing opposition parties. Cameroon has long been criticized by domestic and international observers for restrictions on political competition, unequal access to state resources and legal and administrative obstacles confronting opposition actors. These realities make political mobilization considerably more difficult. However, structural disadvantages cannot explain every missed opportunity. Political leadership is ultimately measured not only by the obstacles it faces but also by its ability to adapt, innovate and inspire under difficult conditions.

President Biya’s extended stay abroad has once again highlighted the uncertainties surrounding Cameroon’s political future. Yet history may judge this period not only by the actions of those in power, but also by the inability of their challengers to present themselves as a disciplined, united and credible alternative.

Political opportunities are rarely permanent. They emerge unexpectedly and disappear just as quickly. Unless the Cameroonian opposition can overcome its divisions, articulate a compelling national vision, and build genuine grassroots momentum, it risks watching another historic opening pass by—leaving the country’s political landscape fundamentally unchanged. Kamto, Akere, Tchiroma-over to you people!

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

30, July 2026

Iran warns Bulgaria against hosting US warplanes, secures assurances from Cyprus ⁰

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has issued a diplomatic warning to Bulgaria over reports that the country is preparing to host US military aircraft, while simultaneously securing assurances from Cyprus that foreign bases on its territory will not be used for hostile actions against the Islamic Republic.

In a telephone conversation with Bulgarian Foreign Minister Ventsislava Petrova on Thursday, Araghchi firmly condemned Sofia’s reported agreement to allow the United States to station military aircraft at the Bezmer air base.

Tehran views the move as a direct contribution to US military posturing and tension-building in West Asia.

“Allowing the territory of one state to be used by another state for the purpose of committing an act of aggression against a third state constitutes an act of aggression itself,” Araghchi stated, citing Article 3 of UN General Assembly Resolution 3314, which defines acts of aggression under international law.

The Iranian foreign minister emphasized that such a decision is unacceptable and contradicts the traditional friendly relations between the two nations, urging the Bulgarian government to urgently reconsider its stance.

He reiterated that the Islamic Republic will not hesitate to defend its national security and interests, warning that “any party that participates in any way in a military attack against Iran must bear responsibility for its consequences.”

In response, the Bulgarian foreign ninister recalled the historically good relations between the two countries, asserting that Bulgaria has no intention of participating in any war and reaffirming its commitment to diplomacy and regional de-escalation.

Securing neutrality in Cyprus

In a separate diplomatic push, Minister Araghchi spoke with Cypriot Foreign Minister Konstantinos Kombos, stressing the critical importance of preventing hostile forces from misusing foreign military bases stationed in Cyprus to target Iran.

The Cypriot foreign minister affirmed his country’s commitment to the principles of international law and the peaceful resolution of disputes.

Kombos announced that Cyprus has been in direct contact with the UK government and has received explicit assurances that the foreign military bases on the island will not be used against any country, including the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The diplomatic warnings come amid reports that the Bulgarian government is seeking parliamentary approval to station up to eight US aerial refueling tanker aircraft at the Bezmer military facility, located southeast of Sofia.

30, July 2026

US opposition to war on Iran grows as Trump’s ratings fall ⁰

Public opposition to the US aggression against Iran is growing across the United States, with a new poll showing rising dissatisfaction with President Donald Trump’s handling of the war.

The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research survey, conducted between July 23 and July 27, found that nearly two-thirds of Americans believe the war against Iran has not been worth fighting.

Only about two in 10 Americans support continuing the war against Iran. By comparison, about three in 10 favor pausing the aggression to pursue negotiations, while another two in 10 want the war to end altogether.

Even among Trump’s supporters, backing for the war was limited. The survey found that only about half favored continuing the war, while roughly three in 10 supported either a ceasefire or an immediate halt to US military aggression.

The poll also showed Trump’s approval rating for his handling of the Iran war falling to 28 percent down from 34 percent last month, while his overall job approval stood at 33 percent.

The backlash has extended to Trump’s political base, with Republican approval of his handling of the war dropping from 71 percent in June to 61 percent, signaling growing discontent over the military campaign.

Economic concerns also emerged as a major source of public dissatisfaction, with about 72 percent of respondents saying preventing further increases in domestic oil and gasoline prices is an extremely or very important priority.

About four in 10 Americans said gasoline prices have become a major source of financial stress in their daily lives, up from about three in 10 when the war began earlier this year.

The survey also found broad public support for diplomacy, with about 7 in 10 Americans saying securing a permanent ceasefire with Iran is an extremely or very important priority.

The latest round of aggression against Iran began on February 28, when US and Israeli forces launched large-scale strikes on Iranian territory.

Iran responded with daily waves of missile and drone attacks targeting US and Israeli assets across the region, while also restricting traffic in the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran and the United States later signed the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on June 17 in an effort to end the war across all fronts.

However, renewed US military aggression in recent weeks has prompted Tehran to resume missile and drone strikes against US assets in the region.

29, July 2026

Bishop Francis Teke Lysinge: The Priest Who Showed Us How to Be a Priest ⁰

Today, I received with a heavy heart the news of the passing of His Lordship Francis Teke Lysinge, Bishop Emeritus of Mamfe. Even though we had long understood that this day would come, given his age and declining health, nothing truly prepares the heart for the death of someone we know, respect, and love. Across the Ecclesiastical Province of Bamenda, priests and lay faithful will remember Bishop Francis Teke Lysinge for countless reasons. He touched lives in ways that cannot be measured, leaving an imprint that will endure far beyond his years among us. For me personally, he was my spiritual director in the Major Seminary for eight years. While this tribute reflects my own experience of him (and my contemporaries will certainly highlight their own encounters), I believe the overwhelming majority of my generation will agree on one thing: Bishop Lysinge’s greatest legacy was not merely what he taught us, but how he lived among us. That is the deepest motivation behind this tribute to a true man of God whom I loved and admired from the moment I met him.

Perhaps I should begin with that: loving and admiring him. One of the recurring criticisms of seminary formation in Africa, voiced by ex seminarians and priests who desire seminary genuine reform, is the culture of fear that often permeates our seminaries. Too often, rectors and formators are perceived not as elder brothers guiding us through discernment, but as investigators searching for weaknesses to justify dismissal. Instead of drawing close to them and opening ourselves to formation, seminarians hide their struggles, avoid formators, and “lie low” until ordination.

While some formators spent their time playing FBI – planting peers to spy and report – Fr. Lysinge never engaged in any of that. He was the father and friend to whom we could go and vent our frustrations about a rector’s decision we found unfair or a formator’s threat of dismissal. He was the one we trusted. He was the one we loved. And that cannot be said of many formators.

Every genuine seminarian enters formation with some idea of what a priest should be. I certainly had mine. Mola Lysinge did not disappoint. The first time I noticed him was when he rode his bicycle to the rectory for meals. I had only seen priests driving cars, not riding bicycles. Later, I learned it was part of his exercise routine. Today, cycling is more common, but the bicycles are not as humble as Mola’s.

Then I noticed the poor of Bambui sitting at his door, waiting for him to help them with their most basic needs – food, clothing, comfort. Watching him interact with them, one thing was clear: he wasn’t simply giving them things; he was giving them himself. He joked with them, laughed with them, respected them as “the least” brothers and sisters of Jesus Christ (cf. Matthew 25:40). That was the kind of priest I wanted to be – close to people in need, a friend to those who suffer injustice and poverty. Not just someone who gives them things, but someone who understands them, empathizes with them, and loves them for the sake of Christ.

And nothing about him was fake. What you saw was who Mola truly was. A sincere man – a Man With No Wax. Priests of my generation remember many incidents that revealed his character. I will mention two because they show his spontaneity, his authenticity, his being, as we say, “a man with no wax.” On one occasion, a friend’s wife came to visit. Mola was so excited that he ran up and embraced her in typical Bakweri fashion. Then he turned and noticed seminarians watching. Without embarrassment, he simply said, “She’s my friend’s wife,” as if to prevent any misunderstanding.

Another time, he joined us for dinner, as he often did. We had “achu”, served with jollof rice for those who didn’t eat achu. Some students who didn’t eat achu took the achu soup and cow skin, then covered it with jollof rice so that those who wanted achu had no cow skin, including Fr. Lysinge. When he discovered what had happened, he made a statement I have never forgotten. He called the act stealing and said, “We are training thieves here. I am sorry for the future of the Church.”

At a time when some of his peers were doing everything possible to make money, including engaging in agriculture and business, he was caring for the poor and destitute. When other formators were frightening seminarians and threatening dismissal, when they were playing secret service and trying to “catch” seminarians doing wrong, Mola was the one we ran to, the shoulder we cried on. His humility, generosity, spontaneity, and deep prayer life made him my model priest. He was the one I aspired to be like if I ever became a priest. Whether I have succeeded in emulating him is another story. What matters today, as we celebrate his life, is that he showed us how to be priests.

Mola taught me Spiritual Theology and supervised my theology dissertation. But he was never an academic in the strict sense and I didn’t consider him a great teacher. Of course, he knew his material. Like most seminaries of our generation, we used Jordan Aumann’s Spiritual Theology. But Mola never allowed us to get lost in fine details or technical questions. It was enough for him that we understood the major themes: the universal call to holiness and how to live holy lives.

It has taken me 35 years of priesthood to learn that God is not so much interested in what we know as in how we live out the universal call to holiness. My father and mother never went to school and knew nothing close to what I know about God and the Church. But they knew God – and their personal knowledge of God – sometimes made me look like an apprentice.

From where I stand, I am not happy that Mola ever became Bishop of Mamfe. It seems to me that many people, including some priests, took advantage of his humility, his holiness, and his tendency to trust. He trusted many who ultimately betrayed him: priests seeking power who fabricated stories to destroy others, priests who siphoned diocesan finances, priests who mismanaged projects. He was as gentle as the biblical dove, but not as wise as the biblical serpent. He trusted. He believed that if a priest told him something, it was true. He had forgotten the prophecy he proclaimed in the seminary refectory many years earlier: “We are training thieves in this place.”

In my tradition, we do not mourn people who die at Mola’s age (88). We believe they have completed the tasks God assigned them, and mourning blocks their path home. As a Catholic, I believe he has done much of his purgatory here on earth, and his journey to heaven will be short. Above all, I thank God that He gave us Mola in the seminary to show us how to be priests. May his life and example inspire every priest in the Ecclesiastical Province of Bamenda. May God purify us of our weaknesses until we, too, can show others how to be priests. And may Mola hear the voice of the Lord Jesus say: “Well done, good and faithful servant… enter into the joy of your Lord.” (Matthew 25:21)

By Rev Dr Joseph Awoh