10, November 2018
Ambazonia War of Independence: Tearing apart political union cracks with La Republique 0
In Cameroon, government actions are cloaked in mystery and shrouded in secrecy. It can be difficult to parse rumors from truth, inconsequential events from those of significance, facts from fiction. In 2018 alone, President Biya postponed parliamentary elections to 2019, appointed 70 of 100 total senators, and has now officially been declared the winner of the October 7 presidential election. The presidential election, though, was like something cooked up in a Hollywood writers’ room. At one-point, President Biya announced the election date via his twitter handle, shocking domestic and international communities. Next, though no formal Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) party congress was convened, and no candidate was officially designated (as required in the party charter),Biya declared that he would run in the elections. Then, he snubbed the electorate. He did not campaign as a candidate for the highest office in the country. He staged one 20-minute rally in the Far North region, and that was it.
A more striking incident passed by unnoticed. Biya and other opposition candidates did not campaign in the Anglophone regions of the country, the North West and South West. Only Akere Muna of the Popular Front for Development Party visited, and he only went to Limbe, a French dominated city in the South West Region. The fact that Presidential aspirants, including Biya, avoided the Anglophone regions sends an unmistakable message to the international community – Ambazonia is a new country in the making.
What scared Biya and the other candidates away from Ambazonia? Earlier in the year, Ambazonian Restoration Forces attacked the Minister of Defence’s convoy in the South West Region. This attack suggests that the seed of freedom has been planted in the hearts of Ambazonians that All-Or-Nothing Law now applies—we live free forever or we all die today. Of course, only one is true—we live free forever. The Cameroon military cannot kill the 8-million Ambazonians that it would take to end the Ambazonia freedom struggle. Even if Biya’s soldiers were able to kill all 5-million Ambazonians living within Ambazonia territory, the 3-million Ambazonians in the Diaspora would fight on like Israelites until they reclaimed their God given birth-land.
The Interim Government of Ambazonia, currently in exile, is steadily establishing institutional structures that would enable United Nations (U.N.) Member States to politically recognize Ambazonia as an independent and sovereign state. This could be a significant development in the Ambazonia war of independence. U.N.Member States would bring the Ambazonia case before the appropriate U.N.Committees for deliberation and decision.
Supporters of the Ambazonia independence struggle within the African Union and European Union see Biya and his tribal oligarchs as responsible for massive tax evasion and significant non-performing loans, and many understand that people’s standard of living now is considerably worse than in the pre-Biya era. Moreover, the 1961 U.N. decolonization process for British Southern Cameroons remains incomplete; although French Cameroun and Southern British Cameroons entered into a confederacy union of equal partners, for over half a century the successive governments of French Cameroun have systematically eroded the founding norms of the union such. The French Cameroun governments have changed the constitution, adopted a despotic rule, and oppressed the Anglophone minority.
The long list of institutional abuses and usurpation of the fundamental rights of the people of Ambazonia reached a breaking point in 2016 when government forces brutally cracked down on peacefully protesting lawyers, teachers and students. The die was cast in November 2017 when President Biya declared war against the unarmed people of Ambazonia for exercising their right to ensure their future security by declaring independence. Together, these developments have triggered decolonization experts and relevant stakeholder governments to re-examine the UN-plebiscite policies that encouraged two separate UN territories — English West Cameroon (then Southern Cameroons and now Ambazonia) and French East Cameroun (La Republique du Cameroun)—which would co-exist under a federal system of governance. The Biya government, though, is bent on assimilating an entire neighbouring country of people who have their own distinct identity and culture.
The evidence speaks for itself. After the people of Ambazonia declared independence on October 1 of 2017, Biya’s government responded to peaceful protests with barbaric methods of suppression, including murder, rape, executions, assassinations, kidnap, torture, and dehumanizing treatment. Biya’s presidential win, as declared by the Constitutional Council, has proven that countries cannot be forced to unite and coexist in the absence of democratic institutions, shared values, and economic and political freedoms. Two countries with irreconcilable differences cannot exist peacefully in an oppressive political union. Indeed, the fiasco of the presidential election has proven that restoration of Ambazonia independence is right, legitimate, and practicable against the Biya-loyalist propaganda of an internal issue.
The regime used a new, never-seen-before tactical tool to accomplish its election fraud. Prior to the official announcement on Oct 22, Biya’s government, in collaboration with Cameroon’s electoral body, Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) and the Constitutional Council (CC), leaked tailored election results in which he won with 71.28% vote, followed by Kamto with 14.23% of the vote, in order to test public reaction. The reaction was as expected. Kamto of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM) party and Osih of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) party petitioned the Constitutional Council with 18 distinct cases of fraud. The Constitutional Council rejected all cases within hours. The questions remain: when did the judges conduct investigations? Review the cases? Deliberate to demonstrate fair and credible procedures that would merit public confidence in their capacity for institutional oversight? Even worse, the Constitutional Council judges defended the completeness and correctness of the leaked election results. Where in the world does the highest court of the land demonstrate partiality and bias in broad daylight? Only in Cameroun. At the time, it was disconcerting. But when the same Constitutional Council declared Biya the winner of the election on Oct 22 using the same earlier leaked results – then it became momentous.
By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
Now that you are here
The Cameroon Concord News Group Board wishes to inform its faithful readers that for more than a decade, it has been providing world-class reports of the situation in Southern Cameroons. The Board has been priding itself on its reports which have helped the world to gain a greater understanding of the crisis playing out in Southern Cameroons. It hails its reporters who have also helped the readers to have a broader perspective of the political situation in Cameroon.
The Board wishes to thank its readers who have continued to trust Southern Cameroon’s leading news platform. It is therefore using this opportunity to state that its reporters are willing to provide more quality information to the readers. However, due to the changing global financial context, the Board is urging its readers to play a significant role in the financing of the news organization. It is therefore calling on its faithful readers to make whatever financial contribution they can to ensure they get the latest developments in their native Southern Cameroons, in particular, and Cameroon in general.
Bank transaction: Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
Banking IBAN: GB51 BARC 2049 1103 9130 15
Swift BIC BARC GB22XX
SORT CODE 20-49-11, ACCOUNT NUMBER – 03913015 Barclay PLC, UK
The Board looks forward to hearing from the readers.
Signed by the Group Chairman on behalf of the Board of Directors
Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
Email: soteragbawebai@gmail.com




















10, November 2018
Biya’s 7th term: A standing but dying nation 0
On October 22, the Cameroun Constitutional Council announced that incumbent President Paul Biya won the presidential election with 71.3 percent of the vote. Opposition parties petitioned the ruling of the Constitutional Council, citing eighteen cases of voter fraud, ballot stuffing and intimidation. The Council dismissed each case. After claiming victory for himself earlier in the month, the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC) leader and presidential candidate Professor Maurice Kamto rejected the results. In his refutation, Kamto called on all Cameroonians to be prepared to fight for their freedom and vowed that his party would use all legal means available to restore truth to the ballot box.
In another unusual turn, Archbishop Samuel Kleda, the Archbishop of Douala and president of the bishops’ conference in Cameroon, stated that it was virtually impossible that Biya had won in the Far North and in the two Anglophone regions, the North West and South West, by the landslide margins he claimed. The northern region is the most underdeveloped part of the country, and a majority of residents there still harbor the scars of their parents and loved ones, who were brutally executed by Paul Biya’s government on the heels of an attempted coup d’Etat in 1984. In the Anglophone North West and South West regions of the country, representing roughly 20 percent of Cameroon’s 25 million citizens, Cameroun government forces and Ambazonia Restoration Forces have been fighting since 2017.The conflict has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of civilians and fighters, and Cameroonian soldiers have burnt close to 1000 homes in at least 100 villages in the Anglophone region, following the Biya regime’s “scorched earth” policy. More than 50,000 refugees have fled to Nigeria; over 500,000 people have been internally displaced, and upwards of 300,000 people are estimated to be hiding in the forest.
This presidential election was a watershed moment for Cameroonians to salvage a collapsing nation by listening to the people’s voice at the ballot box. It offered an opportunity to peacefully transition to new and fresh leadership that would reform democratic institutions and apportion political and economic opportunities based on character and merit, instead of deferring, time and again, to corrupt party and tribal lines.
Despite glaring cases of fraud, incredibly low turnout (just 5% of the electorate voted in the Anglophone regions), and popular resentment against Biya’sregime, both domestically and internationally, it appears that the election results will stand. However, these flaws in the election process could hamper Biya’s attempts to attract foreign investment in the future and could further strain relations between Yaoundé and western capitals like Paris, London and Washington.
Biya—86 years old, President since 1982, and suffering from terminal prostate cancer—is no longer considered a force of stability in the fragile central African region. In international circles, he is perceived as a fatigued despot whose failure to adequately manage contemporary political challenges could worsen the already formidable financial, political and social crises confronting the nation. These crises could in turn incur further humanitarian consequences and could exacerbate security threats and stability challenges for neighboring countries, especially Nigeria. To that end, as a measure to contain the challenges presented by French Cameroun, western powers are likely to shift their focus and begin to support the Ambazonia Liberation War in international diplomatic forums.
In the face of mounting domestic strife and piqued international attention, Biya will have to make a number of difficult decisions in the coming months and years. Will he attempt to contain domestic resistance at the possible price of alienating international powers? Ultimately, the Biya regime may opt for peaceful separation with Ambazonia and aim to establish friendly relations with their neighbors by negotiating new trade and security agreements. Otherwise, the Biya regime will face the uphill task of sustaining an asymmetric fight with highly determined guerilla splinter groups, which number over 20,000 fighters and are supported by more than 90 percent of the population. The Ambazonia decolonization process hangs over the head of Cameroon like Damocles’s sword.
By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
Now that you are here
The Cameroon Concord News Group Board wishes to inform its faithful readers that for more than a decade, it has been providing world-class reports of the situation in Southern Cameroons. The Board has been priding itself on its reports which have helped the world to gain a greater understanding of the crisis playing out in Southern Cameroons. It hails its reporters who have also helped the readers to have a broader perspective of the political situation in Cameroon.
The Board wishes to thank its readers who have continued to trust Southern Cameroon’s leading news platform. It is therefore using this opportunity to state that its reporters are willing to provide more quality information to the readers. However, due to the changing global financial context, the Board is urging its readers to play a significant role in the financing of the news organization. It is therefore calling on its faithful readers to make whatever financial contribution they can to ensure they get the latest developments in their native Southern Cameroons, in particular, and Cameroon in general.
Bank transaction: Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
Banking IBAN: GB51 BARC 2049 1103 9130 15
Swift BIC BARC GB22XX
SORT CODE 20-49-11, ACCOUNT NUMBER – 03913015 Barclay PLC, UK
The Board looks forward to hearing from the readers.
Signed by the Group Chairman on behalf of the Board of Directors
Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
Email: soteragbawebai@gmail.com