Editorial

19, March 2026

2025 Africa Cup of Nations: Patrice Motsepe should go and go now! ⁰

Corruption in all walks of life across Africa is well documented. But even by African standards, the decision by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to retroactively award the 2025 AFCON title to Morocco, more than 60 days after Senegal won the final 1:0 is not merely controversial, it is absurd. CAF’s statement, invoking Articles 82 and 84, declared Senegal to have forfeited the final, converting a completed match into a 3: 0 victory for Morocco. What makes the decision indefensible is that the match was played to completion, overseen by match officials, and accepted at full-time with CAF and FIFA official presenting the medals and trophy to the players and teams. One cannot have it both ways; a game cannot be fully played and retrospectively forfeited.

AFCON 2025, hosted in Morocco was clouded with controversy. Throughout the competition, particularly in matches involving the host nation, there were persistent complaints about questionable refereeing and inconsistent VAR interventions. Supporters of Cameroon and Nigeria pointed to ignored penalty appeals and un-reviewed fouls by VAR during their games against Morocco in the quarter and semi-finals respectively. Cameroon and Nigeria fans were aggrieved, but accepted the oldest principle in football, that when the referee blows the final whistle, the result stands.

Had Articles 82 and 84 been applied on that day and Morocco declared winner there and then, there would have been outrage, certainly in many parts of the football world, but also closure. Instead, CAF failed to act in real time, only to resurrect its rulebook in a dark committee room weeks later in a move that is incoherent and institutionally damaging. The result is not justice, but confusion and accusations of corruption. This decision has the potential to break CAF up as an organization. There are many in sub-Saharan Africa who already believe that Morocco and the North African nations are using their financial resources to create their own rules in CAF and this is unacceptable.

As explained by Osasu Obayiuwana on Talksport Radio in the UK, rules must be applied prospectively, not retrospectively. If an authority fails to enforce a rule at the relevant moment, it cannot later invoke it to alter an outcome, unless fraud or fundamental illegality is proven. No such finding has been established here. This is not the correction of injustice; it is the creation of it by denying Senegal their victory. If matches completed under a referee’s authority can be rewritten in backrooms, then the referee ceases to be an arbiter. He becomes a temporary facilitator whose decisions are provisional and negotiable.

If Senegal forfeited the match, why was it allowed to continue after the seventeen minutes delay? Even within football circles, the reaction has been scathing. A member of the Cameroon Football Federation (FECAFOOT) described the decision as “unacceptable and disgraceful to African football.” There are the whispers that officials empowered to influence outcomes may have taken their rewards but failed to deliver. This has led to awkward conversations between the parties involved in the scheme. Many say this ruling is less about law and more about settling accounts by the parties. Whether true or not, CAF has once again created the conditions in which such suspicions of corruption thrive.

Senegal’s government has called the ruling as “unprecedented and exceptionally serious,” and called for an independent international investigation into suspected corruption within CAF. They have rightly signaled their intention to appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport. There is hope within lovers of African football and justice that the original result will be restored. But even if it is, the damage has already been done. Because in football, the final whistle is supposed to end the argument. In African football, it has just started one.

African football has never lacked brilliance. From George Weah to Didier Drogba, from Roger Milla to Samuel Eto’o, the continent has produced generations of extraordinary talent. What it has too often lacked is institutional credibility. Decisions like this erode the very foundations of trust upon which the beautiful game in Africa depends. For the credibility of the game, many now argue that Patrice Motsepe must take responsibility for this mess and resign immediately.

By Isong Asu

Cameroon Concord London Bureau Chief

18, March 2026

Changes in the Senate and National Assembly: who becomes next head of state? ⁰

Cameroon as a nation now stands at a very quiet but consequential crossroads. The recent changes in the leadership of both the Upper and the Lower House have not merely reshuffled the Senate and the National Assembly hierarchies but they have subtly altered the geometry of succession in a Francophone dominated system where constitutional order and political reality do not always move in lockstep.

At the heart of the so called political changes in Yaoundé lies a 60 million dollar question: who becomes the next head of state?

Under Cameroon’s present constitution, the head of the Senate is first in line to assume interim leadership in the event of a vacancy. This provision was designed to guarantee President Biya’s continued stay in power and not to ensure continuity and institutional stability. With new figures now presiding over both the Senate and the National Assembly, the predictability of that succession has become even more complicated. Change is not only needed in both the Senate and the National Assembly but also in the Unity Palace and the Star Building.

Having a new leadership in the Senate is of course significant. In theory, the President of the Senate is a transitional political figure in a caretaker presidency with limited powers tasked with organizing elections. But in practice, Senator Aboubakary Abdoulaye occupying that seat becomes the face of the nation in a moment of potential uncertainty. Correspondingly, Senator Aboubakary Abdoulaye’s political alliances, administrative competence and perceived neutrality matters far more than the constitution suggest.

The National Assembly’s leadership shift from the 86 year old Cavaye Djibril to Theodore Datoua adds another layer to the puzzle. Though not directly in the line of succession, the National Assembly plays a vital role in shaping the political environment in which any transition unfolds. The Speaker of the National Assembly can influence parliamentary priorities, manage consensus and perhaps most importantly signal where the balance of power truly lies within the ruling CPDM institution.

What has emerged from these two changes in both the Upper and Lower House is not a clear successor, but a more fluid and possibly contested pathway to power. Political power in Cameroon revolves around a strong presidency, with the Senate and the National Assembly including the Central Committee of the ruling CPDM party often seen as supportive rather than autonomous. But as Cameroon approaches its moment of transition, these same establishments can become arenas of political negotiation or even rivalry.

The wahala here is not simply “who” will be the next head of state, but “how” that person will emerge. Will the constitution be followed allowing Senator Aboubakary Abdoulaye to step in smoothly and elections organized without friction? Or will political realities such as CPDM party dynamics, tribal and regional considerations and elite bargaining reshape the process behind the scenes?

Added to this very complicated scenario is also a generational undercurrent. Frankly speaking, recent changes in parliament may reflect a cautious attempt to recalibrate the Cameroon political system for the future. If so, the next president of the republic—whether interim or elected—could mark a departure from entrenched patterns.

For now, Cameroon remains in a state of watchful anticipation. The coming of Senator Aboubakary Abdoulaye and Hon. Theodore Datoua has not answered the succession question; they have instead sharpened it. And in doing so, they remind political commentators that in Cameroon, the formal rules are only part of the story. The rest unfolds in the quieter, less visible spaces where power is negotiated, alliances are forged and futures are decided.

The coming weeks and perhaps months will very much reveal whether these institutional adjustments were merely routine or the early signals of a more significant transition.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

17, March 2026

Yaoundé: Hon. Theodore Datoua is new Speaker of the National Assembly ⁰

The election of Hon. Theodore Datoua as new Speaker of the National Assembly offers more than a ceremonial changing of the guard in Yaoundé the nation’s capital. Frankly speaking, the electoral process in the national assembly presents a moment to reflect on the health of Cameroon’s so-called democratic establishments and the expectations Cameroonians rightly hold of them.

The office of Speaker of the National Assembly in Cameroon is not merely administrative. To be sure, Cameroon’s National Assembly Speaker is a custodian of parliamentary integrity, a referee of debate, and a bridge between the government and the governed.

In Cameroon’s political climate where trust in institutions is in very short supply, the National Assembly Speaker’s role becomes even more consequential. The tone set in parliamentary sessions—whether one of openness or opacity, rigor or routine—will ripple outward into public life.

Today’s transition from the 86 year-old Cavaye Djibril to Theodore Datoua comes at a time when Cameroonians are seeking renewed confidence in governance. Economic and political pressures, tribal and social tensions, and calls for genuine dialogue have underscored the need for a national assembly that is not only functional, but responsive. Hon. Theodore Datoua now has an opportunity to strengthen parliamentary oversight, encourage meaningful debate, and ensure that diverse voices particularly the Anglophones are not just heard, but taken seriously.

Today’s election in Yaoundé signals continuity and intent. Will Theodore Datoua’s tenure prioritize transparency? Will parliamentary proceedings become more bilingual and more accessible to ordinary citizens? Will legislative scrutiny of executive action grow sharper and more consistent? These are not abstract questions—they go to the heart of democratic accountability.

No speaker acts alone. The effectiveness of the Cameroon National Assembly depends on the collective will of its members. Yet leadership shapes culture. If Hon. Datoua commits to fairness, procedural discipline, and institutional independence, he and his new team will elevate the entire chamber.

Welcoming a new Speaker, then, should not be an exercise in routine optimism, but in measured expectation. The office carries both prestige and responsibility. If used well, it can help reinforce democratic norms and restore faith in public institutions. If not, it risks deepening cynicism.

Cameroon stands, as many nations do, at a crossroads between continuity and change. The National Assembly—and its new Speaker—now have a chance to show that representative governance can rise to meet the moment. The country will be watching.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

15, March 2026

Ambazonia Interim Gov’t reacts to Pope Leo’s visit ⁰

The Visit of His Holiness the Pope to French Cameroun and Ambazonia

The people of the former British Southern Cameroons, now known as Ambazonia, take note of the visit of His Holiness, the Pope, to French Cameroun and Ambazonia in April this year, at a time when our land has endured nine years of a devastating and unresolved war of genocide.

As Head of the Roman Catholic Church, Sovereign of the Vatican City, and a global moral voice for peace and justice, the Pope carries not only spiritual authority but also a profound responsibility to stand with the oppressed, the suffering, and the voiceless.

Ambazonia holds the Church in deep respect. In our towns and villages, Catholic parishes have long been pillars of faith, education, healthcare, and community life. In times of fear and displacement, some Church leaders have kept the moral value of the church by speaking truth to power and the Church has often been a place of refuge. For this, we remain grateful.

We therefore call upon Roman Catholic faithful across Ambazonia to come out in large numbers to welcome the Holy Father warmly and peacefully. Let them receive him with dignity, and let them tell him their story firsthand. The widows, the orphans, the displaced, the imprisoned, and the silenced must have their voices heard. The Church must keep its moral standard and remain steadfast in truth.

For nine years, Ambazonia has witnessed a war of genocide ongoing, grave human rights violations, destruction of communities, displacement of civilians, and the imprisonment of political leaders and activists. Among those detained are the Nera-10 and many other political prisoners held in the prisons of French Cameroun. Amid this tragedy, the Catholic Church stands as one of the few moral institutions that has courageously attempted to chart a peaceful path toward justice and dialogue.

As far back as 2017, the Bishops of the Bamenda Ecclesiastical Province proposed a clear and constructive roadmap aimed at ending the escalating violence and opening a pathway for genuine negotiations between the government of French Cameroon and the people of Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia). Their proposal called for an immediate cessation of hostilities, sincere dialogue, and the addressing of the root causes of the crisis. Tragically, this well-intentioned and morally grounded initiative was ignored by the French Cameroun government.

Recognizing the urgency of the situation and the deepening humanitarian catastrophe, the late Cardinal Christian Wiyghan Tumi, a revered servant of God and respected national figure, took an even more courageous step. Determined to ensure that the voice of the people would be heard, Cardinal Tumi spearheaded a broad consultation among the people of Southern Cameroons to determine what they believed to be the most just and permanent solution to the conflict.

Despite numerous obstacles placed in the way of organizing the Anglophone General Conference by the French Cameroun Government, Cardinal Tumi and other religious leaders proceeded to conduct a wide consultation and survey among Ambazonians at home and in the diaspora. The results were clear and unmistakable: the overwhelming majority of respondents expressed their desire for complete independence as the only viable path to lasting peace, dignity, and justice.

This consultation represented one of the most credible and transparent attempts to democratically capture the aspirations of the people during the ongoing conflict. It was an effort grounded in moral authority, consultation, and peaceful resolution rather than violence. Unfortunately, these findings, like the earlier proposals of the Bishops, were largely ignored by the authorities of French Cameroun.

Today, as the war continues to claim innocent lives and devastate communities, it is important to remember that peaceful pathways were offered. The Church provided a moral compass and created opportunities for negotiations. The people themselves expressed their aspirations through consultation. The tragedy of this war of genocide is not only the violence we witness on a daily basis, but also the missed opportunities for peace that could have prevented years of bloodshed. Peace cannot be built on silence or denial. It must be built on truth, justice, and the freely expressed will of the people.

As Ambassador for Peace, the Pope speaks truth to power. We plead with him to address openly the realities of the war in Ambazonia and to call unequivocally for:

1. An immediate cessation of hostilities;

2. The release of the Nera-10 and all political prisoners;

3. Protection of civilians and respect for international humanitarian law;

4. A genuine, inclusive, and internationally mediated dialogue aimed at a negotiated settlement of the conflict.

The Holy See has historically played important roles in mediation and reconciliation across the world. We believe the Vatican can once again offer its high office as neutral ground for negotiations. We therefore call upon the Holy See to recognize the efforts that were made and to support renewed, credible, and inclusive negotiations that respect the clearly expressed will and dignity of the people of Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia.

Ambazonia stands ready and willing to meet with the Pope at the Vatican in Rome and to engage sincerely in any initiative undertaken by the Vatican to bring about peace, justice, and a sustainable political solution. Our people desire not perpetual conflict, but dignity, security, and the right to determine their future through peaceful means.

This visit can not be ceremonial alone. It must be prophetic. It must be courageous. It must reflect the moral clarity that the world expects from the Chair of Saint Peter.

May truth guide this moment.May justice anchor it.And may peace finally take root in our land.

Dabney Yerima

Vice President the Federal Republic of Ambazonia

12, March 2026

7 key things to know about the Catholic Church in Cameroon ⁰

After concluding the first leg of his African apostolic journey in Algeria, Pope Leo XIV is scheduled to travel to Cameroon from April 15–18. In the Central African nation, the Holy Father is set to visit the capital, Yaoundé, and the metropolitan sees of Bamenda and Douala.

If Algeria represents the Church as a small minority navigating a Muslim-majority society, Cameroon presents a different ecclesial landscape. The Catholic Church there is demographically significant, institutionally entrenched, socially influential, and politically attentive.

Ahead of the papal visit officially announced on Feb. 25, here are seven structural realities that define the Church’s profile in Cameroon.

1. A numerically significant and growing Catholic population

Cameroon’s population is religiously diverse, comprising Christians, Muslims, and practitioners of African traditional religions. Within the Christian bloc, Catholics constitute one of the largest denominations. Current estimates place Catholics at roughly 30% to 35% of the national population, translating into several million Catholics.

This scale gives the Catholic Church measurable public presence. Parishes are numerous, Catholic diocesan structures are well developed, and lay movements are active across urban and rural areas. The Church is not a marginal actor; it is a central stakeholder in national life.

Growth trends remain steady rather than explosive. Unlike some East African contexts where Catholic numbers have surged, Cameroon’s expansion is incremental and closely tied to demographic growth. Nonetheless, vocations to the priesthood and Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life (ICLSAL) continue at levels that sustain ecclesial institutions.

In Cameroon, Pope Leo XIV is set to encounter with a people of God neither defensive nor peripheral but fully embedded in national society.

2. Robust ecclesiastical structure and metropolitan sees

The Catholic Church in Cameroon is organized into five ecclesiastical provinces, each headed by a metropolitan archbishop. These include Yaoundé, Bamenda, Douala, Garoua, and Bertoua.

The Archdiocese of Yaoundé serves the political capital and functions as a strategic center for Church-state engagement. Douala, the country’s economic hub, anchors the Littoral region and reflects the Church’s engagement with commerce, urbanization, and migration.

Bamenda, in the Anglophone Northwest Region, carries particular pastoral and political weight due to ongoing instability in that part of the country. Garoua Archdiocese is in the north of the country, while Bertoua Archdiocese is in the east.

The bishops collectively operate through the National Episcopal Conference of Cameroon (NECC), which regularly issues pastoral letters on social, political, and moral issues.

Pope Leo XIV’s decision to visit three metropolitan sees signals recognition of Cameroon’s regional diversity and ecclesial complexity.

3. A Church with deep historical roots

Catholic missionary activity in Cameroon dates to the late 19th century, particularly under German colonial administration and later French and British rule. Missionaries established schools, clinics, and parishes that became foundational to local communities.

Over time, ecclesial leadership transitioned from missionary congregations to Indigenous clergy. Today, Cameroonian Catholic bishops and priests lead the Church across the country, and missionary institutes have shifted toward collaboration rather than control.

This historical trajectory — from missionary implantation to local ownership — has shaped a confident Church. Catholic institutions in education and health care are not peripheral supplements; they are pillars of national infrastructure.

The historical memory of missionary sacrifice and local perseverance still informs Catholic identity in Cameroon. Papal visits are therefore received not as external interventions but as moments of communion within an already mature ecclesial body.

4. Education and health: The Church as social architect

Few institutions in Cameroon rival the Catholic Church in educational reach. Catholic primary and secondary schools are widespread, often regarded for discipline and academic performance. The Church also sponsors tertiary institutions and teacher training colleges.

Health care is similarly significant. Catholic hospitals and clinics serve urban centers and remote areas alike. In regions where public health systems are strained, Catholic Church-run facilities frequently fill service gaps.

This social footprint gives the Catholic Church influence but also responsibility. It must negotiate regulatory frameworks, maintain quality standards, and manage financial sustainability.

This also means that papal messaging on social justice, youth formation, and health care ethics resonates concretely rather than abstractly.

In Cameroon, the Church’s credibility is measured as much by service delivery as by liturgical vitality.

5. Political engagement and social commentary

Cameroon’s Catholic bishops have consistently engaged in public discourse on governance, elections, corruption, and national unity. Pastoral letters issued around electoral cycles often emphasize transparency, accountability, and peaceful participation.

This engagement places the Catholic Church in a delicate position. While she does not function as a political party, she operates as a moral voice. Her statements can attract both public support and governmental scrutiny.

The Anglophone crisis in the Northwest and Southwest regions — marked by tension between separatist groups and state forces — has intensified the Church’s mediating role. Bishops in affected regions, particularly in Bamenda, have appealed for dialogue and protection of civilians.

Pope Leo XIV’s visit to Bamenda is therefore not merely ceremonial. It unfolds against a backdrop of social fragility and political complexity. Any public remarks in that region will be closely analyzed for diplomatic nuance.

6. Vocations, seminaries, and local clergy formation

Cameroon is considered one of the more vocally productive Churches in Central Africa. Major seminaries in the country train diocesan clergy, and religious congregations attract local candidates.

The presence of Indigenous clergy has allowed the Church to contextualize liturgy, catechesis, and pastoral strategy. Inculturation — integrating elements of local culture within Catholic worship and life — has developed within the framework permitted by universal Church norms.

However, vocations also present governance challenges: ensuring adequate formation, preventing clericalism, and addressing global concerns about safeguarding and accountability. As elsewhere, the Cameroonian Church must navigate expectations of transparency and ethical leadership.

A papal visit often includes meetings with clergy and religious. In Cameroon, such encounters are likely to reinforce standards of pastoral responsibility and ecclesial communion.

7. Diversity: Linguistic, cultural, and religious pluralism

Cameroon is frequently described as “Africa in miniature” due to its linguistic and cultural diversity. The country officially operates in both French and English, with numerous Indigenous languages in daily use.

This diversity shapes ecclesial life. The Church must minister across Francophone and Anglophone regions, urban and rural contexts, and varied ethnic identities. Liturgies may incorporate local languages and music while maintaining doctrinal unity.

Religiously, Cameroon is pluralistic. Alongside Catholics are Protestants, Pentecostals, Muslims, and adherents of traditional religions. Inter-Christian competition — particularly with rapidly growing Pentecostal movements — poses pastoral challenges. The Catholic Church must articulate its identity in an environment where charismatic worship and prosperity preaching attract large followings.

Interreligious coexistence with Muslim communities, particularly in northern regions, remains a factor in national stability. The Church has often collaborated with Muslim leaders to promote peace and counter extremism.

For Pope Leo XIV, this pluralistic setting requires calibrated messaging — affirming Catholic identity without undermining interreligious harmony.

Yaoundé: Political and ecclesial nerve center

The capital, Yaoundé, is more than an administrative stop. It is the seat of government and the archdiocese that frequently hosts national Catholic events. Meetings with civil authorities are likely to occur here, reflecting the Vatican’s diplomatic engagement with the Cameroonian state.

Historically, Yaoundé has hosted major ecclesial gatherings and international visitors. A papal Mass in the capital would draw large crowds and symbolize national unity.

Douala: Economic pulse and urban Catholicism

Douala, as Cameroon’s commercial capital, presents a different pastoral profile. Rapid urbanization, youth unemployment, migration, and informal economies characterize the city. The Church in Douala must address urban pastoral issues: catechesis in dense neighborhoods, youth outreach, and social advocacy.

The Archdiocese of Douala has been vocal on national issues, and its leadership has often carried moral authority beyond ecclesiastical boundaries.

A papal stop in Douala situates the Church within the country’s economic heart, where questions of inequality and development are acute.

Bamenda: Faith amid instability

Bamenda lies at the epicenter of the Anglophone crisis. Parishes in the region have experienced disruptions, and clergy have navigated security risks. The Church has called for dialogue, ceasefire, and protection of civilians.

A papal presence in Bamenda carries symbolic weight. It signals solidarity with communities affected by violence and underscores the Vatican’s concern for peace.

However, such a visit must balance encouragement with diplomatic caution. Explicit political statements could complicate local dynamics, while silence might disappoint those seeking moral clarity.

Continuity with past papal engagement

Cameroon has previously hosted a papal visit. In 2009, Pope Benedict XVI visited the country, marking a major ecclesial event that included the promulgation of the Instrumentum Laboris for the Second Synod for Africa. That visit reinforced Cameroon’s role within the continental Church.

Pope Leo XIV’s 2026 journey will inevitably be compared with past papal engagements. Expectations will be shaped by memory: large public liturgies, strong doctrinal messages, and calls for ethical governance.

A Church of scale, influence, and responsibility

If Algeria represents the Church as historical memory and minority witness, Cameroon represents scale, institutional density, and public influence. The Catholic Church in Cameroon is not fragile in numbers; it is substantial. Its challenges are not invisibility but responsibility — how to steward influence in a politically sensitive and religiously competitive environment.

From April 15–18, as Pope Leo XIV moves through Yaoundé, Douala, and Bamenda, he will engage a Church that is confident yet tested, numerous yet diverse, socially influential yet morally scrutinized.

For observers of African Catholicism, Cameroon offers a case study in how demographic strength intersects with political engagement and social service. The papal visit will not redefine that structure overnight. It will, however, place it within the broader narrative of a global Church attentive to Africa not as periphery but as center.

In that sense, Cameroon stands not only as the second stop on the Holy Father’s itinerary, but as a microcosm of the contemporary African Catholic experience — complex, vibrant, and consequential.

Source: aci Africa

9, March 2026

Concerns about public administration in Cameroon ⁰

Cameroon is a challenging country and the challenges are hurting everyone. Some of these problems are generated by administrators who are supposed to address any administrative bottlenecks.

The attitude of some public administrators in Cameroon has become alarming. Those who are appointed to serve the public often end up exploiting the very citizens they are meant to assist. Many Cameroonians continue to express dissatisfaction and frustration about the difficulty of legalizing administrative documents such as birth certificates and national identity cards.

For many citizens, obtaining or legalizing documents in Cameroon feels like a nightmare. The process is often unnecessarily long and exhausting. Offices are sometimes understaffed; some workers arrive late to work, while others are present but inattentive—engaging in personal activities instead of serving the public.

In many cases, citizens are only attended to at the convenience of the officials. When individuals attempt to complain, they are sometimes met with hostility, rudeness, or even insults. Some officials reportedly tell citizens that nothing can be done against them and that those who cannot wait are free to leave. Such behavior undermines public trust and the fundamental purpose of public administration.

As a result of these challenges, many young people have resorted to using intermediaries or “middlemen” who operate within or around public offices. These individuals often demand large sums of money to facilitate document processing. This practice encourages corruption and creates an exploitative system where ordinary citizens are forced to pay extra fees for services that should be accessible and affordable.

It is unfortunate that many citizens feel they have no voice to challenge these injustices. There is a growing perception that accountability is weak and that administrators sometimes act without consequence. Instead of prioritizing efficient service delivery, some offices focus on minor formalities while neglecting the urgent needs of the public.

Public institutions exist to serve the people—not to intimidate, delay, or exploit them. Ethical conduct, professionalism, and respect for citizens must be restored in all government offices and this implies an end to the middleman system, an end to extortion and extra unofficial payments, an end to unnecessary delays and an end to insults and abusive behavior

Public service should reflect integrity, transparency, and accountability. Cameroonians deserve dignity, fairness, and efficiency in their own country.

By Alain Agbor Ebot

4, March 2026

Hope Sona Ebai: iconic South West figure goes home to rest ⁰

The passing to eternity of the renowned board chairman of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), His Royal Highness Chief Hope Sona Ebai is not merely the departure of a great South West business and political figure; it is the quiet dimming of a particular kind of leadership in Anglophone Cameroon forged not in the spotlight of daily operations, but in the steady glow of stewardship.

Chief Hope Sona Ebai as board chairman of the CDC will always live in the margins of Cameroon history. He was never the loudest voice in the room but this fertile mind from Manyemen town was often the final one to speak each time President Biya tasked South West elites with holding both ambition and restraint in delicate balance.

When such a very powerful and refined intellectual figure passes, what lingers is not simply his résumé or the shareholder value accrued under his watch both in Cameroon and Nigeria. It is the tone they set. The culture they guarded and the productive moments deep within the International Cocoa Organization (ICCO) the world’s leading cocoa authority and Cameroon’s National Cocoa and Coffee Board (ONCC).

His Royal Highness Chief Hope Sona Ebai understood that power, at its best, is custodial. To him, power is borrowed and it is temporary and must be exercised with humility. His true work as a prominent South West elite was often preventative and he always reminded English speaking Cameroonians to look at the bigger picture. In everything he did during his time in the National Cocoa and Coffee Board, Chief Hope Sona Ebai reminded everyone around him that legacy matters and that trust, once fractured, rarely fully returns.

The passing of such a great figure from the Nguti sub constituency in the South West region invites uncomfortable introspection and begs some seventy million dollar questions: what does governance mean in an age of relentless acceleration? Who guards the guardians? Are Cameroonian boards still sanctuaries of independent judgment, or have they become ceremonial extensions of executive ambition?

As a distinguished chairman of the CDC, Chief Hope Sona Ebai’s life offered both inspiration and warning. Inspiration, because Chief Hope Sona Ebai was a very principled gentleman who shaped the CDC establishment and warning, because his absence now leaves a vacuum — not just of authority, but of moral gravity.

In mourning Chief Hope Sona Ebai, we are reminded that leadership at the highest levels is less about control and more about conscience. His role at the CDC though symbolic, represented something profound. Chief Hope Sona Ebai had the discipline to listen, the courage to take action and the wisdom to step back when necessary.

All in all, perhaps the measure of a successful board chairman during this difficult period in Anglophone Cameroon is this: Did the CDC become stronger than Chief Hope Sona Ebai? Did CDC learn to govern itself with integrity as taught by Chief Hope Soan Ebai? Is CDC now serving not only its investors, but its employees, its communities, and its future?

When such a man with a good heart and a good head on his shoulders passes, the biggest agro-industrial plant in West Africa may open the next morning as usual. But inside the halls Chief Hope Sona Ebai once presided over, there will be silence — and within that silence, a question.

Who will now hold the long view?

Chief Hope Sona Ebai was appointed chairman of the board of directors of the CDC on 27 May 2021. An internationally renowned expert in the cocoa sector, he was an unsuccessful candidate in 2016 for the position of Executive Director of the International Cocoa Organisation (ICCO).

He was the first General Manager of Cameroon’s National Cocoa and Coffee Board (ONCC) and had nearly 30 years of experience in the cocoa economy in Cameroon, Africa and around the world. After heading the ONCC for seven years, Chief Hope Sona Ebai spent 11 years as Secretary General of the Cocoa Producing Countries Alliance (COPAL), which accounts for 75% of global cocoa bean production. From this position at COPAL, he was instrumental in organizing the summits of heads of state of African cocoa-producing countries in Abuja in 2006 and Accra in 2007. He was also credited with organizing four international conferences on cocoa research.

His arrival on the board of directors of the CDC, Cameroon’s second largest employer after the public administration greatly contributed to the product diversification that the CDC has been seeking for several years.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

25, February 2026

Ngarbuh massacre trial short on justice ⁰

The lenient prison terms for defendants on trial for the February 2020 massacre in Ngarbuh, in Cameroon’s North-West region, compounds the authorities’ insufficient efforts to hold senior military officers accountable and compensate victims’ families, Human Rights Watch said today.

On February 20, 2026, a military court in Cameroon’s capital, Yaoundé, sentenced three security force members and a pro-government militia member who was tried in absentia for the killing of 21 people—as well as other abuses—by the military and Fulani militiamen in Ngarbuh on February 14, 2020. The court handed down sentences of between 5 and 10 years and modest fines.

“Prosecutors did not pursue any evidence about who planned and ordered the killings,” said Ilaria Allegrozzi, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The failure of Cameroon’s prosecutors and judiciary to investigate those bearing command responsibility, combined with the denial of reparations, exacerbates the suffering of victims’ families.”

The trial, which lasted more than five years, was marred by serious shortcomings. Authorities never arrested or charged senior officers who authorized and oversaw the operation. Seventeen ethnic Fulani militiamen accused of murder remain at large. Victims’ families had only limited access to and participation in the proceedings, key evidence was excluded, and the court rejected claims for compensation.

Human Rights Watch research found that government forces and allied ethnic Fulani militiamen killed 21 people in Ngarbuh, including 13 children and a pregnant woman. The assailants also burned at least five homes, looted dozens of properties, and beat residents during what appeared to be a reprisal operation against a community suspected of harboring separatist fighters. Since 2016, brutalviolence has engulfed Cameroon’s Anglophone North-West and South-West regions, where armed separatist groups are seeking independence.

Initially, the government denied any involvement of its forces in the killings and publicly discredited human rights groups, United Nations agencies, and media outlets that reported on the massacre. On March 1, 2020, following domestic and internationalpressure, President Paul Biya established a commission of inquiry.

The commission concluded that security forces and members of “local vigilance groups” carried out a reconnaissance operation in Ngarbuh, where they confronted separatist fighters, killing five. In the ensuing violence, 13 civilians were killed. The commission found that soldiers then attempted to cover up the killings by burning homes and filing a false report.

President Biya ordered disciplinary proceedings against the commander of the 52nd Motorized Infantry Battalion (Bataillon d’Infanterie Motorisé, BIM), who had authorized the operation, as well as criminal proceedings against three members of the security forces—two lower-ranking soldiers and a gendarme—who were arrested in June 2020.

The trial opened on December 17, 2020. The defendants included the three security force members—Baba Guida, Gilbert Haranga, and Cyrille Sanding Sanding—and the 17 ethnic Fulani militiamen. Only one of them, Tata Nfor, also known as “Bullet,” was identified by name and tried in absentia.

On January 15, 2026, the court convicted the three soldiers and Nfor as co-perpetrators in murder, arson, and destruction; Guida and Sanding were also convicted of disobeying orders and Haranga of disobeying orders and violence against a pregnant woman.

On February 20, the court sentenced Haranga and Nfor to 10 years in prison, Guida to 8 years, and Sanding to 5 years. Each was also fined 183,100 CFA francs (about US$328).

Under Cameroon’s penal code, murder is punishable by life in prison, and co-perpetrators are subject to the same penalties as principal offenders unless otherwise provided by law. The sentences imposed on two defendants in this case are relatively light, taking into account the gravity of the crimes, Human Rights Watch said.

While international law does not prescribe strict sentencing guidelines, international practice provides that punishment for serious crimes should reflect the gravity of the crime and serve the purposes, among others, of deterrence and retribution.

Barrister Menkem Sother, the lawyer representing the victims’ families, told Human Rights Watch that the public prosecutor initially requested five-year prison terms for the three security force members, contending that they were “brave soldiers” who had long participated in military operations. The judges ultimately confirmed a five-year sentence for Sanding, who has already served that time and is expected to be released in the coming days.

Sother requested 1,700,000,000 CFA francs (about $3,049,970) in compensation on behalf of the victims. The court rejected the claim as “unjustified,” asserting that the victims had already received a total of 80,000,000 CFA francs (about $143,528). Sother said, though, that there is no proof that any payment has been made.

The Ngarbuh proceedings were repeatedly delayed, often due to the absence of judges and other court officials. The court refused to admit key evidence, including death certificates to identify all of those killed, and the victims’ families were allowed only minimal participation. The military court in Yaoundé is about 450 kilometers from Ngarbuh, making it difficult for family members to attend. Family members’ lawyers had expressed concern about the issue. Only three victims’ relatives and one witness testified before the court, Sother said.

Defense and civil parties’ lawyers have 10 days to appeal the court’s decision. Henri Athanase Atangana, a defense lawyer representing Guida and Haranga, told the media that he would consult his clients before deciding whether to do so. Sother told Human Rights Watch that he does not intend to appeal, saying: “I have carried this cross alone.”

At the outset of the trial, there was sustained mobilization in support of the victims’ families, with several lawyers offering pro bono representation and numerous national and international human rights and civil society organizations attending or closely monitoring the proceedings. However, this collective engagement gradually waned, and for the final three years the families were represented solely by Sother, who represented their interests with unwavering dedication.

The UN Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Central Africa, which is based in Yaoundé and is mandated to promote and protect human rights, including through ensuring the rule of law and accountability for human rights violations, assigned a lawyer to attend one hearing in 2022. “But after that, I’ve never seen her again,” Sother said.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Cameroon ratified in 1984, provides that states parties should ensure that any person whose rights are violated has access to an effective remedy, determined by competent judicial, administrative, or legislative authorities, and that such remedies are duly enforced.

“The Ngarbuh trial has delivered neither full accountability nor meaningful redress,” Allegrozzi said. “The United Nations Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Central Africa should offer legal and technical assistance to the victims’ families, to enable them to file a well-grounded appeal seeking reparations and to ensure continued protection of their rights throughout the process.”

Source: Human Rights Watch

23, February 2026

John Ashu Agboreyong: a man of God counting years and counting impact @60 ⁰

English speaking Cameroonians have always stated that at 60, a man does not merely count years but he also counts impact. Over the weekend in the beautiful city of Cork, Ireland, Africans rose in gratitude, celebration and honoured a true shepherd of souls and a teacher of truth as he marked his 60^th birthday and unveiled six new books that will bless humanity forever.

His journey towards HIM started in Mamfe the chief town in Manyu Division. He conquered education home and abroad and for six remarkable decades, this Cameroonian citizen has embodied faith with decency and decorum, preached the Word with conviction, and lived his calling with unwavering devotion. The life of Apostle John Ashu Agboreyong is a testimony that spreading the good news is not just what happens on a pulpit; it is what flows from a heart fully surrendered to divine purpose.

His ministry has gone through thick and thin sailing through seasons of abundance and adversity. But this man who migrated from Cameroon in West Africa to Ireland and took up residence in Cork City from where he gets on a regular basis what the Irish have painted as Ceol na mara (music of the sea) has stood firm.

To be sure, John Ashu Agboreyong has comforted the broken-hearted, counselled the weary, challenged the complacent, and inspired God’s children to rise higher. Deep within the African-Irish community in the Irish State, his voice has carried hope into homes, clarity into confusion and above all, light into dark places.

Turning 60 is no small milestone!! In the words of the great Professor Bernard Fonlon, it is a crown of wisdom manufactured by experience that speaks of battles fought in prayer, tears shed in intercession and homilies prepared in the quiet hours of dawn with countless unseen sacrifices made for the sake of others. Turning 60 is indeed a journey walked closely with God, guided not by popularity but by purpose.

As if to say his kinsman, the late Cameroonian poet Dr Bate Besong did not do anything!! And as if to say the celebration of his diamond jubilee were not enough, he launched six new books—six fresh wells of insight, revelation, and spiritual nourishment. John Ashu Agboreyong’s works are not merely ink on paper. To be accurate, they are years of encounters with God documented and life lessons carefully articulated. Each page carries the imprint of a life committed to truth and transformation.

Authors such as Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe wrote from knowledge; theologians like the late Pope Benedict wrote from experience. John Ashu Agboreyong’s books are the fruit of both. The six publications will forever strengthen leaders, renew people, uplift Christian movements and ignite faith. We of the Cameroon Concord News Group believe and fervently too that the books are gifts to the Christian Church and a legacy to generations yet unborn.

At sixty, Ola Rotimi who authored the book “the Gods are not to blame” slowed down. John Ashu Agboreyong is accelerating!! At 60 when many with ink in their blood are reflecting on what has been, John Ashu Agboreyong is boldly building what will be. His vision still remains sharp. His passion burning bright! His faith undiminished. Time has not weakened his calling—it has refined it.

Those who answered present in Cork City did not just celebrate a birthday; they all celebrated a life poured out in service. They celebrated a voice that refuses to be silent. They celebrated a man of God who has proven that greatness in the Kingdom is measured not by applause, but by obedience.

May John Ashu Agboreyong’s birthday celebration usher in even greater grace, expanded influence, renewed strength, and multiplied impact. May the six books launched in Cork City travel farther than he ever imagined, touching hearts across nations and generations.

Joyeux anniversaire to a true man of God—a builder of lives, a carrier of light, and a living testament that faithfulness over time produces fruit that remains. The best chapters, we believe, are still being written.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

20, February 2026

Ethnic armies and the democratization process in Cameroon: an impediment to democratic consolidation ⁰

Cameroon presents a compelling case of the complexities surrounding civil- military relations and the democratization process in post-colonial African states. Since independence in 1960, the country has experienced extended one- party rule, contested multiparty reforms beginning in the 1990s, and recurrent tensions between the central government in Yaoundé and various ethnic, regional, and political actors. A key, yet under-mined, dimension of this political trajectory is the role of the ethnic character of the army and how it has functioned as an obstacle to democratic deepening and political liberalization. This article argues that the ethnic configuration of Cameroon’s military establishment has been a significant hindrance to democratization by reinforcing patrimonial state structures, undermining civilian authority, and inhibiting the development of inclusive national institutions. While the literature on ethnic armies and coups in Africa (e.g., Harkness 2006) offers valuable frameworks, Cameroon’s experience highlights how ethnic dynamics within the army interacts with politics, neopatrimonialism, and sociopolitical fragmentation to impede democratic consolidation.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: ETHNICITY, STATE FORMATION, AND THE MILITARY IN CAMEROON

Cameroon’s colonial history-first German under German rule (1884-1916), produced divergence administrative legacies. These legacies have shaped post- independence identities and political structures. The reunification of British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon in 1961 created a state with significant linguistic and regional cleavages, most notably between Anglophone and Francophone communities. Overtime, these divisions have been translated into political competition and grievances. The Cameroon Armed Forces (Forces Armees Camerounaise, FAC) were establishment under French colonial influence, with early officer corps dominated by recruits from northern and Francophone elite network. This pattern of recruitment contributed to perceptions of the military as an instrument of the dominant political bloc rather than a neutral, national institution. As President Ahmadou Ahidjo consolidated power in the 1960s and 1970s, he used patronage and co-optation to secure the military’s loyalty, embedding ethnic and regional loyalty within military structures. Under Paul Biya, who succeeded Ahidjo in 1982, the military remained an essential pillar of regime survival. Biya’s early purges of Ahidjo loyalists-including army officers from northern and Muslim communities-reinforced the perception of the military as an arena of factional competition. Instead of fostering professionalization and national coherence, the army became increasingly tied to the President’s personal networks and loyalist ethnic/regional blocs, especially those linked to the Beti-Ewondo group from the Centre and South regions. This pattern has important implications for democratization, as outlined below.

A. UNDERMINING CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY

A core prerequisite for democratization is the establishment of civilian supremacy over the armed forces. In Cameroon, the military’s recruitment patterns and internal hierarchies have often reflected ethnic and regional dominance rather than meritocratic professionalism. The privileging of officers from ethnic networks has created informal power centers within the army that are interconnected with ruling party elites. In turn, this undermines the capacity of democratic institutions-parliaments, courts, political parties-to exercise meaningful oversight over security forces. When the military is perceived as loyal to certain elite factions rather than to the constitutional order, it obedience to civilian authority becomes contingent. This conditional obedience weakens democratic accountability and allows the executive to wield the army as a tool of political coercion rather than national defense. An example to substantiate this point was the post election violence that ensued after the proclamation of the October 11, 2025, presidential election result. Several Cameroonians were killed and many were incarcerated by the regime.

B. REINFORCING NEOPATRIMONIALISM AND ELITE DOMINATION

Ethnicized military structures compliment broader neopatrimonial state practices in Cameroon, where political power is centralized around the presidency and distributed through patronage networks. Senior military appointments, promotions, and postings are often used as rewards to loyalists from key ethnic constituencies particularly in the centre and south regions of Cameroon. This practice not only marginalizes other groups but also embeds the military within the executive’s patrimonial rent-seeking apparatus. Accordingly rather than serving as a professional force capable of defending democratic norms and institutions, the army operates as another arena of elite competition and patronage distribution. This undermines the development of autonomous democratic actors and reinforces centralized, authoritarian governance.

C.PERPETUATING ETHNIC AND REGIONAL CLEAVAGES

The ethnicisation of the army has also had indirect but powerful effects on national unity. By privileging certain ethnic groups within military hierarchies, the states reinforce broader social perceptions of exclusion among marginalized communities. This has been particularly salient in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions where perceptions of exclusion from political power and state institutions-including security forces-have fueled long-running grievances and conflict. This dynamics complicate democratization by generating cycles of mistrust, resistance, and militarized dissent. Instead of inclusive dialogue and political participation, dispute over representation and identity are increasingly securitized-a pattern antithetical to democratic deepening.

D.REIFORCING EVIDENCE FROM COMPARATIVE SCHOLARSHIP

The argument that ethnic armies can impede democratization resonates with broader comparative research. Scholars such as Kristen Harkness have shown that the ethnic structuring of security forces in Africa is associated with recurring coups and democratic fragility, as leaders manipulate military composition to secure political survival. In the Cameroon’s case why the military has not staged a successful coup since the early years of independence, its embeddedness within patronage and ethnic networks has nonetheless served a similar stabilizing-yet-anti-democratic function. Rather than challenging the executive through coups, the army’s loyalty is instrumentalized to suppress dissent, reinforce the ruling elite’s dominance, and marginalize alternative political voices. This pattern underscores the need to broaden the concepts of coups to include other forms of military interference that undermine democratic processes.

E. COUNTER ARGUMENTS AND LIMITATIONS

A potential counter argument is that Cameroon’s military has largely abstained from direct political takeover, suggesting a degree of professionalism or restraint inconsistent with ethnicisation. However, this perspective overlooks how the army’s alignment with the incumbent regime functions as a direct impediment to democratization. This absence of coups does not equate to democratic health if military is used to suppress opposition, intimidate civil society, or entrench executive power. Another critic is that ethnic considerations within the army are overstated related to other factors, such as economic incentives, global geopolitics, or institutional weakness. While these factors are undeniably significant, the ethnic dimension in Cameroon amplifies and intersects with them, intensifying the obstacles to democratic reforms.

F. POLICY AND REFORM IMPLICATIONS

It should be worth mentioning that, addressing the impediment of ethnicised military structures requires:

1- A Security Sector Reform (SSR) that prioritizes meritocratic recruitment, transparent promotion systems, and professional training.

2- The reawakening of institutional oversight mechanisms, including strengthening parliamentary committees on defense and ensuring budgetary transparency.

3- The convening of a National Dialogue on inclusion, particularly addressing grievances in Anglophone regions to mitigate the ongoing crisis for close to a decade today and expanding representation within the security forces.

These reforms, while politically challenging, are essential for decoupling the military from elite-ethnic patronage dynamics and enabling democratic consolidation.

CONCLUSION

Using the failed coup attempt in April 1984, to his advantage, Biya then moved forward with discriminatory hiring and promotion policies of his own, within both the civilian government and the military. Over the course of his reign, which continues today, southerners have come to dominate both politics and military (Minority Rights Group 2010). In particular, members of Biya’s southern Bulu group, as well as members of the closely related Beti group, disproportionately hold key positions in the military. Stability was thus re-achieved through renewed ethnic matching policies. Cameroon’s experience demonstrates that ethnicised military structures can constitute a significant obstacle to democratization. By undermining civilian control, reinforcing neopatrimonialism, and perpetuating ethnic cleavages, the army has not only failed to support democratic deepening but has actively sustained authoritarian resilience. Understanding the specific ways in which ethnic dynamics shape civil-military relations is very crucial for both scholarship and policy aimed at fostering democratic transition in Cameroon in particular and across Africa in general

Dr. TARH NTANTANG is the Founder/CEO of Ntantang Research and Consulting Centre (NRCC) in Yaoundé-Cameroon. He is a policy expert and practitioner in democratic support, peace building, and governance with over a decade of experience across Africa. He holds a doctorate in political Economy at the University of Yaoundé 1 and a certified climate migration scholar at York University, Toronto, Canada.