Editorial

15, March 2026

Ambazonia Interim Gov’t reacts to Pope Leo’s visit ⁰

The Visit of His Holiness the Pope to French Cameroun and Ambazonia

The people of the former British Southern Cameroons, now known as Ambazonia, take note of the visit of His Holiness, the Pope, to French Cameroun and Ambazonia in April this year, at a time when our land has endured nine years of a devastating and unresolved war of genocide.

As Head of the Roman Catholic Church, Sovereign of the Vatican City, and a global moral voice for peace and justice, the Pope carries not only spiritual authority but also a profound responsibility to stand with the oppressed, the suffering, and the voiceless.

Ambazonia holds the Church in deep respect. In our towns and villages, Catholic parishes have long been pillars of faith, education, healthcare, and community life. In times of fear and displacement, some Church leaders have kept the moral value of the church by speaking truth to power and the Church has often been a place of refuge. For this, we remain grateful.

We therefore call upon Roman Catholic faithful across Ambazonia to come out in large numbers to welcome the Holy Father warmly and peacefully. Let them receive him with dignity, and let them tell him their story firsthand. The widows, the orphans, the displaced, the imprisoned, and the silenced must have their voices heard. The Church must keep its moral standard and remain steadfast in truth.

For nine years, Ambazonia has witnessed a war of genocide ongoing, grave human rights violations, destruction of communities, displacement of civilians, and the imprisonment of political leaders and activists. Among those detained are the Nera-10 and many other political prisoners held in the prisons of French Cameroun. Amid this tragedy, the Catholic Church stands as one of the few moral institutions that has courageously attempted to chart a peaceful path toward justice and dialogue.

As far back as 2017, the Bishops of the Bamenda Ecclesiastical Province proposed a clear and constructive roadmap aimed at ending the escalating violence and opening a pathway for genuine negotiations between the government of French Cameroon and the people of Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia). Their proposal called for an immediate cessation of hostilities, sincere dialogue, and the addressing of the root causes of the crisis. Tragically, this well-intentioned and morally grounded initiative was ignored by the French Cameroun government.

Recognizing the urgency of the situation and the deepening humanitarian catastrophe, the late Cardinal Christian Wiyghan Tumi, a revered servant of God and respected national figure, took an even more courageous step. Determined to ensure that the voice of the people would be heard, Cardinal Tumi spearheaded a broad consultation among the people of Southern Cameroons to determine what they believed to be the most just and permanent solution to the conflict.

Despite numerous obstacles placed in the way of organizing the Anglophone General Conference by the French Cameroun Government, Cardinal Tumi and other religious leaders proceeded to conduct a wide consultation and survey among Ambazonians at home and in the diaspora. The results were clear and unmistakable: the overwhelming majority of respondents expressed their desire for complete independence as the only viable path to lasting peace, dignity, and justice.

This consultation represented one of the most credible and transparent attempts to democratically capture the aspirations of the people during the ongoing conflict. It was an effort grounded in moral authority, consultation, and peaceful resolution rather than violence. Unfortunately, these findings, like the earlier proposals of the Bishops, were largely ignored by the authorities of French Cameroun.

Today, as the war continues to claim innocent lives and devastate communities, it is important to remember that peaceful pathways were offered. The Church provided a moral compass and created opportunities for negotiations. The people themselves expressed their aspirations through consultation. The tragedy of this war of genocide is not only the violence we witness on a daily basis, but also the missed opportunities for peace that could have prevented years of bloodshed. Peace cannot be built on silence or denial. It must be built on truth, justice, and the freely expressed will of the people.

As Ambassador for Peace, the Pope speaks truth to power. We plead with him to address openly the realities of the war in Ambazonia and to call unequivocally for:

1. An immediate cessation of hostilities;

2. The release of the Nera-10 and all political prisoners;

3. Protection of civilians and respect for international humanitarian law;

4. A genuine, inclusive, and internationally mediated dialogue aimed at a negotiated settlement of the conflict.

The Holy See has historically played important roles in mediation and reconciliation across the world. We believe the Vatican can once again offer its high office as neutral ground for negotiations. We therefore call upon the Holy See to recognize the efforts that were made and to support renewed, credible, and inclusive negotiations that respect the clearly expressed will and dignity of the people of Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia.

Ambazonia stands ready and willing to meet with the Pope at the Vatican in Rome and to engage sincerely in any initiative undertaken by the Vatican to bring about peace, justice, and a sustainable political solution. Our people desire not perpetual conflict, but dignity, security, and the right to determine their future through peaceful means.

This visit can not be ceremonial alone. It must be prophetic. It must be courageous. It must reflect the moral clarity that the world expects from the Chair of Saint Peter.

May truth guide this moment.May justice anchor it.And may peace finally take root in our land.

Dabney Yerima

Vice President the Federal Republic of Ambazonia

12, March 2026

7 key things to know about the Catholic Church in Cameroon ⁰

After concluding the first leg of his African apostolic journey in Algeria, Pope Leo XIV is scheduled to travel to Cameroon from April 15–18. In the Central African nation, the Holy Father is set to visit the capital, Yaoundé, and the metropolitan sees of Bamenda and Douala.

If Algeria represents the Church as a small minority navigating a Muslim-majority society, Cameroon presents a different ecclesial landscape. The Catholic Church there is demographically significant, institutionally entrenched, socially influential, and politically attentive.

Ahead of the papal visit officially announced on Feb. 25, here are seven structural realities that define the Church’s profile in Cameroon.

1. A numerically significant and growing Catholic population

Cameroon’s population is religiously diverse, comprising Christians, Muslims, and practitioners of African traditional religions. Within the Christian bloc, Catholics constitute one of the largest denominations. Current estimates place Catholics at roughly 30% to 35% of the national population, translating into several million Catholics.

This scale gives the Catholic Church measurable public presence. Parishes are numerous, Catholic diocesan structures are well developed, and lay movements are active across urban and rural areas. The Church is not a marginal actor; it is a central stakeholder in national life.

Growth trends remain steady rather than explosive. Unlike some East African contexts where Catholic numbers have surged, Cameroon’s expansion is incremental and closely tied to demographic growth. Nonetheless, vocations to the priesthood and Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life (ICLSAL) continue at levels that sustain ecclesial institutions.

In Cameroon, Pope Leo XIV is set to encounter with a people of God neither defensive nor peripheral but fully embedded in national society.

2. Robust ecclesiastical structure and metropolitan sees

The Catholic Church in Cameroon is organized into five ecclesiastical provinces, each headed by a metropolitan archbishop. These include Yaoundé, Bamenda, Douala, Garoua, and Bertoua.

The Archdiocese of Yaoundé serves the political capital and functions as a strategic center for Church-state engagement. Douala, the country’s economic hub, anchors the Littoral region and reflects the Church’s engagement with commerce, urbanization, and migration.

Bamenda, in the Anglophone Northwest Region, carries particular pastoral and political weight due to ongoing instability in that part of the country. Garoua Archdiocese is in the north of the country, while Bertoua Archdiocese is in the east.

The bishops collectively operate through the National Episcopal Conference of Cameroon (NECC), which regularly issues pastoral letters on social, political, and moral issues.

Pope Leo XIV’s decision to visit three metropolitan sees signals recognition of Cameroon’s regional diversity and ecclesial complexity.

3. A Church with deep historical roots

Catholic missionary activity in Cameroon dates to the late 19th century, particularly under German colonial administration and later French and British rule. Missionaries established schools, clinics, and parishes that became foundational to local communities.

Over time, ecclesial leadership transitioned from missionary congregations to Indigenous clergy. Today, Cameroonian Catholic bishops and priests lead the Church across the country, and missionary institutes have shifted toward collaboration rather than control.

This historical trajectory — from missionary implantation to local ownership — has shaped a confident Church. Catholic institutions in education and health care are not peripheral supplements; they are pillars of national infrastructure.

The historical memory of missionary sacrifice and local perseverance still informs Catholic identity in Cameroon. Papal visits are therefore received not as external interventions but as moments of communion within an already mature ecclesial body.

4. Education and health: The Church as social architect

Few institutions in Cameroon rival the Catholic Church in educational reach. Catholic primary and secondary schools are widespread, often regarded for discipline and academic performance. The Church also sponsors tertiary institutions and teacher training colleges.

Health care is similarly significant. Catholic hospitals and clinics serve urban centers and remote areas alike. In regions where public health systems are strained, Catholic Church-run facilities frequently fill service gaps.

This social footprint gives the Catholic Church influence but also responsibility. It must negotiate regulatory frameworks, maintain quality standards, and manage financial sustainability.

This also means that papal messaging on social justice, youth formation, and health care ethics resonates concretely rather than abstractly.

In Cameroon, the Church’s credibility is measured as much by service delivery as by liturgical vitality.

5. Political engagement and social commentary

Cameroon’s Catholic bishops have consistently engaged in public discourse on governance, elections, corruption, and national unity. Pastoral letters issued around electoral cycles often emphasize transparency, accountability, and peaceful participation.

This engagement places the Catholic Church in a delicate position. While she does not function as a political party, she operates as a moral voice. Her statements can attract both public support and governmental scrutiny.

The Anglophone crisis in the Northwest and Southwest regions — marked by tension between separatist groups and state forces — has intensified the Church’s mediating role. Bishops in affected regions, particularly in Bamenda, have appealed for dialogue and protection of civilians.

Pope Leo XIV’s visit to Bamenda is therefore not merely ceremonial. It unfolds against a backdrop of social fragility and political complexity. Any public remarks in that region will be closely analyzed for diplomatic nuance.

6. Vocations, seminaries, and local clergy formation

Cameroon is considered one of the more vocally productive Churches in Central Africa. Major seminaries in the country train diocesan clergy, and religious congregations attract local candidates.

The presence of Indigenous clergy has allowed the Church to contextualize liturgy, catechesis, and pastoral strategy. Inculturation — integrating elements of local culture within Catholic worship and life — has developed within the framework permitted by universal Church norms.

However, vocations also present governance challenges: ensuring adequate formation, preventing clericalism, and addressing global concerns about safeguarding and accountability. As elsewhere, the Cameroonian Church must navigate expectations of transparency and ethical leadership.

A papal visit often includes meetings with clergy and religious. In Cameroon, such encounters are likely to reinforce standards of pastoral responsibility and ecclesial communion.

7. Diversity: Linguistic, cultural, and religious pluralism

Cameroon is frequently described as “Africa in miniature” due to its linguistic and cultural diversity. The country officially operates in both French and English, with numerous Indigenous languages in daily use.

This diversity shapes ecclesial life. The Church must minister across Francophone and Anglophone regions, urban and rural contexts, and varied ethnic identities. Liturgies may incorporate local languages and music while maintaining doctrinal unity.

Religiously, Cameroon is pluralistic. Alongside Catholics are Protestants, Pentecostals, Muslims, and adherents of traditional religions. Inter-Christian competition — particularly with rapidly growing Pentecostal movements — poses pastoral challenges. The Catholic Church must articulate its identity in an environment where charismatic worship and prosperity preaching attract large followings.

Interreligious coexistence with Muslim communities, particularly in northern regions, remains a factor in national stability. The Church has often collaborated with Muslim leaders to promote peace and counter extremism.

For Pope Leo XIV, this pluralistic setting requires calibrated messaging — affirming Catholic identity without undermining interreligious harmony.

Yaoundé: Political and ecclesial nerve center

The capital, Yaoundé, is more than an administrative stop. It is the seat of government and the archdiocese that frequently hosts national Catholic events. Meetings with civil authorities are likely to occur here, reflecting the Vatican’s diplomatic engagement with the Cameroonian state.

Historically, Yaoundé has hosted major ecclesial gatherings and international visitors. A papal Mass in the capital would draw large crowds and symbolize national unity.

Douala: Economic pulse and urban Catholicism

Douala, as Cameroon’s commercial capital, presents a different pastoral profile. Rapid urbanization, youth unemployment, migration, and informal economies characterize the city. The Church in Douala must address urban pastoral issues: catechesis in dense neighborhoods, youth outreach, and social advocacy.

The Archdiocese of Douala has been vocal on national issues, and its leadership has often carried moral authority beyond ecclesiastical boundaries.

A papal stop in Douala situates the Church within the country’s economic heart, where questions of inequality and development are acute.

Bamenda: Faith amid instability

Bamenda lies at the epicenter of the Anglophone crisis. Parishes in the region have experienced disruptions, and clergy have navigated security risks. The Church has called for dialogue, ceasefire, and protection of civilians.

A papal presence in Bamenda carries symbolic weight. It signals solidarity with communities affected by violence and underscores the Vatican’s concern for peace.

However, such a visit must balance encouragement with diplomatic caution. Explicit political statements could complicate local dynamics, while silence might disappoint those seeking moral clarity.

Continuity with past papal engagement

Cameroon has previously hosted a papal visit. In 2009, Pope Benedict XVI visited the country, marking a major ecclesial event that included the promulgation of the Instrumentum Laboris for the Second Synod for Africa. That visit reinforced Cameroon’s role within the continental Church.

Pope Leo XIV’s 2026 journey will inevitably be compared with past papal engagements. Expectations will be shaped by memory: large public liturgies, strong doctrinal messages, and calls for ethical governance.

A Church of scale, influence, and responsibility

If Algeria represents the Church as historical memory and minority witness, Cameroon represents scale, institutional density, and public influence. The Catholic Church in Cameroon is not fragile in numbers; it is substantial. Its challenges are not invisibility but responsibility — how to steward influence in a politically sensitive and religiously competitive environment.

From April 15–18, as Pope Leo XIV moves through Yaoundé, Douala, and Bamenda, he will engage a Church that is confident yet tested, numerous yet diverse, socially influential yet morally scrutinized.

For observers of African Catholicism, Cameroon offers a case study in how demographic strength intersects with political engagement and social service. The papal visit will not redefine that structure overnight. It will, however, place it within the broader narrative of a global Church attentive to Africa not as periphery but as center.

In that sense, Cameroon stands not only as the second stop on the Holy Father’s itinerary, but as a microcosm of the contemporary African Catholic experience — complex, vibrant, and consequential.

Source: aci Africa

9, March 2026

Concerns about public administration in Cameroon ⁰

Cameroon is a challenging country and the challenges are hurting everyone. Some of these problems are generated by administrators who are supposed to address any administrative bottlenecks.

The attitude of some public administrators in Cameroon has become alarming. Those who are appointed to serve the public often end up exploiting the very citizens they are meant to assist. Many Cameroonians continue to express dissatisfaction and frustration about the difficulty of legalizing administrative documents such as birth certificates and national identity cards.

For many citizens, obtaining or legalizing documents in Cameroon feels like a nightmare. The process is often unnecessarily long and exhausting. Offices are sometimes understaffed; some workers arrive late to work, while others are present but inattentive—engaging in personal activities instead of serving the public.

In many cases, citizens are only attended to at the convenience of the officials. When individuals attempt to complain, they are sometimes met with hostility, rudeness, or even insults. Some officials reportedly tell citizens that nothing can be done against them and that those who cannot wait are free to leave. Such behavior undermines public trust and the fundamental purpose of public administration.

As a result of these challenges, many young people have resorted to using intermediaries or “middlemen” who operate within or around public offices. These individuals often demand large sums of money to facilitate document processing. This practice encourages corruption and creates an exploitative system where ordinary citizens are forced to pay extra fees for services that should be accessible and affordable.

It is unfortunate that many citizens feel they have no voice to challenge these injustices. There is a growing perception that accountability is weak and that administrators sometimes act without consequence. Instead of prioritizing efficient service delivery, some offices focus on minor formalities while neglecting the urgent needs of the public.

Public institutions exist to serve the people—not to intimidate, delay, or exploit them. Ethical conduct, professionalism, and respect for citizens must be restored in all government offices and this implies an end to the middleman system, an end to extortion and extra unofficial payments, an end to unnecessary delays and an end to insults and abusive behavior

Public service should reflect integrity, transparency, and accountability. Cameroonians deserve dignity, fairness, and efficiency in their own country.

By Alain Agbor Ebot

4, March 2026

Hope Sona Ebai: iconic South West figure goes home to rest ⁰

The passing to eternity of the renowned board chairman of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), His Royal Highness Chief Hope Sona Ebai is not merely the departure of a great South West business and political figure; it is the quiet dimming of a particular kind of leadership in Anglophone Cameroon forged not in the spotlight of daily operations, but in the steady glow of stewardship.

Chief Hope Sona Ebai as board chairman of the CDC will always live in the margins of Cameroon history. He was never the loudest voice in the room but this fertile mind from Manyemen town was often the final one to speak each time President Biya tasked South West elites with holding both ambition and restraint in delicate balance.

When such a very powerful and refined intellectual figure passes, what lingers is not simply his résumé or the shareholder value accrued under his watch both in Cameroon and Nigeria. It is the tone they set. The culture they guarded and the productive moments deep within the International Cocoa Organization (ICCO) the world’s leading cocoa authority and Cameroon’s National Cocoa and Coffee Board (ONCC).

His Royal Highness Chief Hope Sona Ebai understood that power, at its best, is custodial. To him, power is borrowed and it is temporary and must be exercised with humility. His true work as a prominent South West elite was often preventative and he always reminded English speaking Cameroonians to look at the bigger picture. In everything he did during his time in the National Cocoa and Coffee Board, Chief Hope Sona Ebai reminded everyone around him that legacy matters and that trust, once fractured, rarely fully returns.

The passing of such a great figure from the Nguti sub constituency in the South West region invites uncomfortable introspection and begs some seventy million dollar questions: what does governance mean in an age of relentless acceleration? Who guards the guardians? Are Cameroonian boards still sanctuaries of independent judgment, or have they become ceremonial extensions of executive ambition?

As a distinguished chairman of the CDC, Chief Hope Sona Ebai’s life offered both inspiration and warning. Inspiration, because Chief Hope Sona Ebai was a very principled gentleman who shaped the CDC establishment and warning, because his absence now leaves a vacuum — not just of authority, but of moral gravity.

In mourning Chief Hope Sona Ebai, we are reminded that leadership at the highest levels is less about control and more about conscience. His role at the CDC though symbolic, represented something profound. Chief Hope Sona Ebai had the discipline to listen, the courage to take action and the wisdom to step back when necessary.

All in all, perhaps the measure of a successful board chairman during this difficult period in Anglophone Cameroon is this: Did the CDC become stronger than Chief Hope Sona Ebai? Did CDC learn to govern itself with integrity as taught by Chief Hope Soan Ebai? Is CDC now serving not only its investors, but its employees, its communities, and its future?

When such a man with a good heart and a good head on his shoulders passes, the biggest agro-industrial plant in West Africa may open the next morning as usual. But inside the halls Chief Hope Sona Ebai once presided over, there will be silence — and within that silence, a question.

Who will now hold the long view?

Chief Hope Sona Ebai was appointed chairman of the board of directors of the CDC on 27 May 2021. An internationally renowned expert in the cocoa sector, he was an unsuccessful candidate in 2016 for the position of Executive Director of the International Cocoa Organisation (ICCO).

He was the first General Manager of Cameroon’s National Cocoa and Coffee Board (ONCC) and had nearly 30 years of experience in the cocoa economy in Cameroon, Africa and around the world. After heading the ONCC for seven years, Chief Hope Sona Ebai spent 11 years as Secretary General of the Cocoa Producing Countries Alliance (COPAL), which accounts for 75% of global cocoa bean production. From this position at COPAL, he was instrumental in organizing the summits of heads of state of African cocoa-producing countries in Abuja in 2006 and Accra in 2007. He was also credited with organizing four international conferences on cocoa research.

His arrival on the board of directors of the CDC, Cameroon’s second largest employer after the public administration greatly contributed to the product diversification that the CDC has been seeking for several years.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

25, February 2026

Ngarbuh massacre trial short on justice ⁰

The lenient prison terms for defendants on trial for the February 2020 massacre in Ngarbuh, in Cameroon’s North-West region, compounds the authorities’ insufficient efforts to hold senior military officers accountable and compensate victims’ families, Human Rights Watch said today.

On February 20, 2026, a military court in Cameroon’s capital, Yaoundé, sentenced three security force members and a pro-government militia member who was tried in absentia for the killing of 21 people—as well as other abuses—by the military and Fulani militiamen in Ngarbuh on February 14, 2020. The court handed down sentences of between 5 and 10 years and modest fines.

“Prosecutors did not pursue any evidence about who planned and ordered the killings,” said Ilaria Allegrozzi, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The failure of Cameroon’s prosecutors and judiciary to investigate those bearing command responsibility, combined with the denial of reparations, exacerbates the suffering of victims’ families.”

The trial, which lasted more than five years, was marred by serious shortcomings. Authorities never arrested or charged senior officers who authorized and oversaw the operation. Seventeen ethnic Fulani militiamen accused of murder remain at large. Victims’ families had only limited access to and participation in the proceedings, key evidence was excluded, and the court rejected claims for compensation.

Human Rights Watch research found that government forces and allied ethnic Fulani militiamen killed 21 people in Ngarbuh, including 13 children and a pregnant woman. The assailants also burned at least five homes, looted dozens of properties, and beat residents during what appeared to be a reprisal operation against a community suspected of harboring separatist fighters. Since 2016, brutalviolence has engulfed Cameroon’s Anglophone North-West and South-West regions, where armed separatist groups are seeking independence.

Initially, the government denied any involvement of its forces in the killings and publicly discredited human rights groups, United Nations agencies, and media outlets that reported on the massacre. On March 1, 2020, following domestic and internationalpressure, President Paul Biya established a commission of inquiry.

The commission concluded that security forces and members of “local vigilance groups” carried out a reconnaissance operation in Ngarbuh, where they confronted separatist fighters, killing five. In the ensuing violence, 13 civilians were killed. The commission found that soldiers then attempted to cover up the killings by burning homes and filing a false report.

President Biya ordered disciplinary proceedings against the commander of the 52nd Motorized Infantry Battalion (Bataillon d’Infanterie Motorisé, BIM), who had authorized the operation, as well as criminal proceedings against three members of the security forces—two lower-ranking soldiers and a gendarme—who were arrested in June 2020.

The trial opened on December 17, 2020. The defendants included the three security force members—Baba Guida, Gilbert Haranga, and Cyrille Sanding Sanding—and the 17 ethnic Fulani militiamen. Only one of them, Tata Nfor, also known as “Bullet,” was identified by name and tried in absentia.

On January 15, 2026, the court convicted the three soldiers and Nfor as co-perpetrators in murder, arson, and destruction; Guida and Sanding were also convicted of disobeying orders and Haranga of disobeying orders and violence against a pregnant woman.

On February 20, the court sentenced Haranga and Nfor to 10 years in prison, Guida to 8 years, and Sanding to 5 years. Each was also fined 183,100 CFA francs (about US$328).

Under Cameroon’s penal code, murder is punishable by life in prison, and co-perpetrators are subject to the same penalties as principal offenders unless otherwise provided by law. The sentences imposed on two defendants in this case are relatively light, taking into account the gravity of the crimes, Human Rights Watch said.

While international law does not prescribe strict sentencing guidelines, international practice provides that punishment for serious crimes should reflect the gravity of the crime and serve the purposes, among others, of deterrence and retribution.

Barrister Menkem Sother, the lawyer representing the victims’ families, told Human Rights Watch that the public prosecutor initially requested five-year prison terms for the three security force members, contending that they were “brave soldiers” who had long participated in military operations. The judges ultimately confirmed a five-year sentence for Sanding, who has already served that time and is expected to be released in the coming days.

Sother requested 1,700,000,000 CFA francs (about $3,049,970) in compensation on behalf of the victims. The court rejected the claim as “unjustified,” asserting that the victims had already received a total of 80,000,000 CFA francs (about $143,528). Sother said, though, that there is no proof that any payment has been made.

The Ngarbuh proceedings were repeatedly delayed, often due to the absence of judges and other court officials. The court refused to admit key evidence, including death certificates to identify all of those killed, and the victims’ families were allowed only minimal participation. The military court in Yaoundé is about 450 kilometers from Ngarbuh, making it difficult for family members to attend. Family members’ lawyers had expressed concern about the issue. Only three victims’ relatives and one witness testified before the court, Sother said.

Defense and civil parties’ lawyers have 10 days to appeal the court’s decision. Henri Athanase Atangana, a defense lawyer representing Guida and Haranga, told the media that he would consult his clients before deciding whether to do so. Sother told Human Rights Watch that he does not intend to appeal, saying: “I have carried this cross alone.”

At the outset of the trial, there was sustained mobilization in support of the victims’ families, with several lawyers offering pro bono representation and numerous national and international human rights and civil society organizations attending or closely monitoring the proceedings. However, this collective engagement gradually waned, and for the final three years the families were represented solely by Sother, who represented their interests with unwavering dedication.

The UN Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Central Africa, which is based in Yaoundé and is mandated to promote and protect human rights, including through ensuring the rule of law and accountability for human rights violations, assigned a lawyer to attend one hearing in 2022. “But after that, I’ve never seen her again,” Sother said.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Cameroon ratified in 1984, provides that states parties should ensure that any person whose rights are violated has access to an effective remedy, determined by competent judicial, administrative, or legislative authorities, and that such remedies are duly enforced.

“The Ngarbuh trial has delivered neither full accountability nor meaningful redress,” Allegrozzi said. “The United Nations Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Central Africa should offer legal and technical assistance to the victims’ families, to enable them to file a well-grounded appeal seeking reparations and to ensure continued protection of their rights throughout the process.”

Source: Human Rights Watch

23, February 2026

John Ashu Agboreyong: a man of God counting years and counting impact @60 ⁰

English speaking Cameroonians have always stated that at 60, a man does not merely count years but he also counts impact. Over the weekend in the beautiful city of Cork, Ireland, Africans rose in gratitude, celebration and honoured a true shepherd of souls and a teacher of truth as he marked his 60^th birthday and unveiled six new books that will bless humanity forever.

His journey towards HIM started in Mamfe the chief town in Manyu Division. He conquered education home and abroad and for six remarkable decades, this Cameroonian citizen has embodied faith with decency and decorum, preached the Word with conviction, and lived his calling with unwavering devotion. The life of Apostle John Ashu Agboreyong is a testimony that spreading the good news is not just what happens on a pulpit; it is what flows from a heart fully surrendered to divine purpose.

His ministry has gone through thick and thin sailing through seasons of abundance and adversity. But this man who migrated from Cameroon in West Africa to Ireland and took up residence in Cork City from where he gets on a regular basis what the Irish have painted as Ceol na mara (music of the sea) has stood firm.

To be sure, John Ashu Agboreyong has comforted the broken-hearted, counselled the weary, challenged the complacent, and inspired God’s children to rise higher. Deep within the African-Irish community in the Irish State, his voice has carried hope into homes, clarity into confusion and above all, light into dark places.

Turning 60 is no small milestone!! In the words of the great Professor Bernard Fonlon, it is a crown of wisdom manufactured by experience that speaks of battles fought in prayer, tears shed in intercession and homilies prepared in the quiet hours of dawn with countless unseen sacrifices made for the sake of others. Turning 60 is indeed a journey walked closely with God, guided not by popularity but by purpose.

As if to say his kinsman, the late Cameroonian poet Dr Bate Besong did not do anything!! And as if to say the celebration of his diamond jubilee were not enough, he launched six new books—six fresh wells of insight, revelation, and spiritual nourishment. John Ashu Agboreyong’s works are not merely ink on paper. To be accurate, they are years of encounters with God documented and life lessons carefully articulated. Each page carries the imprint of a life committed to truth and transformation.

Authors such as Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe wrote from knowledge; theologians like the late Pope Benedict wrote from experience. John Ashu Agboreyong’s books are the fruit of both. The six publications will forever strengthen leaders, renew people, uplift Christian movements and ignite faith. We of the Cameroon Concord News Group believe and fervently too that the books are gifts to the Christian Church and a legacy to generations yet unborn.

At sixty, Ola Rotimi who authored the book “the Gods are not to blame” slowed down. John Ashu Agboreyong is accelerating!! At 60 when many with ink in their blood are reflecting on what has been, John Ashu Agboreyong is boldly building what will be. His vision still remains sharp. His passion burning bright! His faith undiminished. Time has not weakened his calling—it has refined it.

Those who answered present in Cork City did not just celebrate a birthday; they all celebrated a life poured out in service. They celebrated a voice that refuses to be silent. They celebrated a man of God who has proven that greatness in the Kingdom is measured not by applause, but by obedience.

May John Ashu Agboreyong’s birthday celebration usher in even greater grace, expanded influence, renewed strength, and multiplied impact. May the six books launched in Cork City travel farther than he ever imagined, touching hearts across nations and generations.

Joyeux anniversaire to a true man of God—a builder of lives, a carrier of light, and a living testament that faithfulness over time produces fruit that remains. The best chapters, we believe, are still being written.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

20, February 2026

Ethnic armies and the democratization process in Cameroon: an impediment to democratic consolidation ⁰

Cameroon presents a compelling case of the complexities surrounding civil- military relations and the democratization process in post-colonial African states. Since independence in 1960, the country has experienced extended one- party rule, contested multiparty reforms beginning in the 1990s, and recurrent tensions between the central government in Yaoundé and various ethnic, regional, and political actors. A key, yet under-mined, dimension of this political trajectory is the role of the ethnic character of the army and how it has functioned as an obstacle to democratic deepening and political liberalization. This article argues that the ethnic configuration of Cameroon’s military establishment has been a significant hindrance to democratization by reinforcing patrimonial state structures, undermining civilian authority, and inhibiting the development of inclusive national institutions. While the literature on ethnic armies and coups in Africa (e.g., Harkness 2006) offers valuable frameworks, Cameroon’s experience highlights how ethnic dynamics within the army interacts with politics, neopatrimonialism, and sociopolitical fragmentation to impede democratic consolidation.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: ETHNICITY, STATE FORMATION, AND THE MILITARY IN CAMEROON

Cameroon’s colonial history-first German under German rule (1884-1916), produced divergence administrative legacies. These legacies have shaped post- independence identities and political structures. The reunification of British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon in 1961 created a state with significant linguistic and regional cleavages, most notably between Anglophone and Francophone communities. Overtime, these divisions have been translated into political competition and grievances. The Cameroon Armed Forces (Forces Armees Camerounaise, FAC) were establishment under French colonial influence, with early officer corps dominated by recruits from northern and Francophone elite network. This pattern of recruitment contributed to perceptions of the military as an instrument of the dominant political bloc rather than a neutral, national institution. As President Ahmadou Ahidjo consolidated power in the 1960s and 1970s, he used patronage and co-optation to secure the military’s loyalty, embedding ethnic and regional loyalty within military structures. Under Paul Biya, who succeeded Ahidjo in 1982, the military remained an essential pillar of regime survival. Biya’s early purges of Ahidjo loyalists-including army officers from northern and Muslim communities-reinforced the perception of the military as an arena of factional competition. Instead of fostering professionalization and national coherence, the army became increasingly tied to the President’s personal networks and loyalist ethnic/regional blocs, especially those linked to the Beti-Ewondo group from the Centre and South regions. This pattern has important implications for democratization, as outlined below.

A. UNDERMINING CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY

A core prerequisite for democratization is the establishment of civilian supremacy over the armed forces. In Cameroon, the military’s recruitment patterns and internal hierarchies have often reflected ethnic and regional dominance rather than meritocratic professionalism. The privileging of officers from ethnic networks has created informal power centers within the army that are interconnected with ruling party elites. In turn, this undermines the capacity of democratic institutions-parliaments, courts, political parties-to exercise meaningful oversight over security forces. When the military is perceived as loyal to certain elite factions rather than to the constitutional order, it obedience to civilian authority becomes contingent. This conditional obedience weakens democratic accountability and allows the executive to wield the army as a tool of political coercion rather than national defense. An example to substantiate this point was the post election violence that ensued after the proclamation of the October 11, 2025, presidential election result. Several Cameroonians were killed and many were incarcerated by the regime.

B. REINFORCING NEOPATRIMONIALISM AND ELITE DOMINATION

Ethnicized military structures compliment broader neopatrimonial state practices in Cameroon, where political power is centralized around the presidency and distributed through patronage networks. Senior military appointments, promotions, and postings are often used as rewards to loyalists from key ethnic constituencies particularly in the centre and south regions of Cameroon. This practice not only marginalizes other groups but also embeds the military within the executive’s patrimonial rent-seeking apparatus. Accordingly rather than serving as a professional force capable of defending democratic norms and institutions, the army operates as another arena of elite competition and patronage distribution. This undermines the development of autonomous democratic actors and reinforces centralized, authoritarian governance.

C.PERPETUATING ETHNIC AND REGIONAL CLEAVAGES

The ethnicisation of the army has also had indirect but powerful effects on national unity. By privileging certain ethnic groups within military hierarchies, the states reinforce broader social perceptions of exclusion among marginalized communities. This has been particularly salient in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions where perceptions of exclusion from political power and state institutions-including security forces-have fueled long-running grievances and conflict. This dynamics complicate democratization by generating cycles of mistrust, resistance, and militarized dissent. Instead of inclusive dialogue and political participation, dispute over representation and identity are increasingly securitized-a pattern antithetical to democratic deepening.

D.REIFORCING EVIDENCE FROM COMPARATIVE SCHOLARSHIP

The argument that ethnic armies can impede democratization resonates with broader comparative research. Scholars such as Kristen Harkness have shown that the ethnic structuring of security forces in Africa is associated with recurring coups and democratic fragility, as leaders manipulate military composition to secure political survival. In the Cameroon’s case why the military has not staged a successful coup since the early years of independence, its embeddedness within patronage and ethnic networks has nonetheless served a similar stabilizing-yet-anti-democratic function. Rather than challenging the executive through coups, the army’s loyalty is instrumentalized to suppress dissent, reinforce the ruling elite’s dominance, and marginalize alternative political voices. This pattern underscores the need to broaden the concepts of coups to include other forms of military interference that undermine democratic processes.

E. COUNTER ARGUMENTS AND LIMITATIONS

A potential counter argument is that Cameroon’s military has largely abstained from direct political takeover, suggesting a degree of professionalism or restraint inconsistent with ethnicisation. However, this perspective overlooks how the army’s alignment with the incumbent regime functions as a direct impediment to democratization. This absence of coups does not equate to democratic health if military is used to suppress opposition, intimidate civil society, or entrench executive power. Another critic is that ethnic considerations within the army are overstated related to other factors, such as economic incentives, global geopolitics, or institutional weakness. While these factors are undeniably significant, the ethnic dimension in Cameroon amplifies and intersects with them, intensifying the obstacles to democratic reforms.

F. POLICY AND REFORM IMPLICATIONS

It should be worth mentioning that, addressing the impediment of ethnicised military structures requires:

1- A Security Sector Reform (SSR) that prioritizes meritocratic recruitment, transparent promotion systems, and professional training.

2- The reawakening of institutional oversight mechanisms, including strengthening parliamentary committees on defense and ensuring budgetary transparency.

3- The convening of a National Dialogue on inclusion, particularly addressing grievances in Anglophone regions to mitigate the ongoing crisis for close to a decade today and expanding representation within the security forces.

These reforms, while politically challenging, are essential for decoupling the military from elite-ethnic patronage dynamics and enabling democratic consolidation.

CONCLUSION

Using the failed coup attempt in April 1984, to his advantage, Biya then moved forward with discriminatory hiring and promotion policies of his own, within both the civilian government and the military. Over the course of his reign, which continues today, southerners have come to dominate both politics and military (Minority Rights Group 2010). In particular, members of Biya’s southern Bulu group, as well as members of the closely related Beti group, disproportionately hold key positions in the military. Stability was thus re-achieved through renewed ethnic matching policies. Cameroon’s experience demonstrates that ethnicised military structures can constitute a significant obstacle to democratization. By undermining civilian control, reinforcing neopatrimonialism, and perpetuating ethnic cleavages, the army has not only failed to support democratic deepening but has actively sustained authoritarian resilience. Understanding the specific ways in which ethnic dynamics shape civil-military relations is very crucial for both scholarship and policy aimed at fostering democratic transition in Cameroon in particular and across Africa in general

Dr. TARH NTANTANG is the Founder/CEO of Ntantang Research and Consulting Centre (NRCC) in Yaoundé-Cameroon. He is a policy expert and practitioner in democratic support, peace building, and governance with over a decade of experience across Africa. He holds a doctorate in political Economy at the University of Yaoundé 1 and a certified climate migration scholar at York University, Toronto, Canada.

10, February 2026

Biya’s message to the Youth on the 60th edition of the National Youth Day ⁰

My dear young compatriots,

The celebration of this sixtieth edition of the National Youth Day is once more a welcome opportunity for me to address you on the many issues that concern you.

I am aware that these issues relate to your current situation, but also, and above all, to your future. They concern your difficulties, frustrations, fears and worries. They also relate to your hopes, expectations and legitimate aspirations.

My dear young compatriots,

I am fully aware of your concerns, all the more so because, under my authority, the Government is making tireless and commendable efforts to seek appropriate solutions to them.

This comes as no surprise. I have never stopped, and will never stop, caring about you.

My dear young compatriots,

As I address you this evening, just a few months after my re-election as President of the Republic, I wish to express my deep satisfaction for the role you played in this election and, above all, to thank you most sincerely for your invaluable support, without which none of this would have been possible.

I am aware that the key element in this particularly hard-fought election was undoubtedly the support of a large majority of young people for the vision for society as well as your appreciation of the track record I presented. I also sincerely believe that it reflects the trust and loyalty you have consistently shown me since I assumed office at the helm of our country. For this, I am deeply grateful to you.

My dear young compatriots,

When taking the oath of office, I made a solemn commitment before you and before the entire Nation, to devote all my energies for the advent of a stable, united and prosperous Cameroon.

I intend to honour this commitment, regardless of the difficulties and obstacles arising from an ever increasingly challenging international environment. I am convinced that we will succeed in achieving this objective together, thanks to my unwavering determination, your courage and your multiple talents.

My dear young compatriots,

I am aware that some of you are at a loss when you encounter difficulties in finding a job or achieving your goals. This prompts you to doubt the future and to give up on your dreams or embark on some dangerous venture.

This can, in no way, be the solution. I encourage them to rather persevere. I encourage them to continue to trust their abilities. I encourage them to continue to be enterprising and forge ahead, no matter the difficulties and obstacles. This is the key to success.

My dear young compatriots,

I promised you in my recent speeches, that your integration into the labour market would be one of the main priorities of this seven-year term.

That is the objective of the Special Youth Employment Promotion Plan that I recently announced. The Government has already prepared related incentive measures. The Plan aims to foster genuine synergy between the State, the private sector and the wider society to promote job creation for young people.

In this regard, I would like to mention, among other things, tax exemptions granted to businesses that recruit young graduates, the allocation of 50 billion CFA francs provided for in the Finance Law to promote youth entrepreneurship, the increase in subsidies to the National Employment Fund, and measures taken to integrate young people into State-financed labour-intensive works.

All these efforts, my dear young compatriots, mark the start of implementation of the commitments I made recently to you.

My dear young compatriots,

Under my authority, the Government will continue to allocate substantial resources to strengthen and improve the education system.

My objective is to offer as many of you as possible the opportunity to access quality training, that will enable you not only to find jobs, but also to create them.

As you are aware, recruitment in the public sector or enterprises cannot alone fully resolve the thorny issue of youth unemployment. That is why I will continue to encourage youth entrepreneurship and ensure that young people receive appropriate Government support to that end.

Despite the challenging context, I am pleased to note that many of you are excelling in the agricultural processing, construction, services and digital sectors where you start up businesses and create jobs each day. With each passing day, you distinguish yourselves with boldness and competence in all areas of national life.

In this regard, I would like to commend your invaluable contribution within our defence and security forces to ensuring our common protection.

I would like to pay tribute to all of you, young people in the informal sector, who have chosen to steer clear of criminal and delinquent activities and struggle daily to feed your families. Note that, in my view, there is no such thing as odd-job and there will never be. You all play an essential role in the building and progress of our beloved and great country.

That is why I will ensure that an increasing number of you, women like men, are gradually entrusted with high responsibilities in the management of public affairs.

Various opportunities come to my mind in this regard, including the upcoming reshuffle of managers of State corporations, the formation of the next government, which I know is eagerly awaited, as well as the organization of legislative and municipal elections, though the timeframe for the elections may require a minor adjustment due to pressing constraints, in compliance with the relevant provisions of our laws, especially the Constitution.

My dear young compatriots,

I would also like to remind you this evening that besides the rights you have, you also have responsibilities towards your parents and the national community. I wish to appeal especially to your sense of responsibility. The future of our beloved and great country, Cameroon, lies in your hands. You must be aware of this. You should therefore resolutely shun the excesses in which some of you have unfortunately drifted in recent times, including delinquency, alcohol abuse, drug use, immoral behaviour, the excessive and abusive use of social media, etc.

I also urge your parents and educators to act responsibly. They must fully assume their responsibility towards you and refrain from tolerating, facilitating or encouraging your deviant behaviour. In this regard, I have issued firm instructions to the relevant authorities to strengthen the protection of young girls in schools, families and workplaces, as they are too often victims of all kinds of harassment and abuse.

My dear young compatriots,

I wish to reaffirm my commitment to spare no effort in creating the most conducive conditions for your development. This underpins the instructions I have issued to the Government to act more effectively. It is the objective of the reforms I intend to implement soon to improve the functioning of the State. It is also the objective of the relentless fight I intend to wedge against corruption and the embezzlement of public funds.

My dear young compatriots,

As you prepare to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the national day dedicated to you, I wish to commend the maturity you have consistently demonstrated in all circumstances. Once again, I commend your decisive contribution to building our great and beautiful nation.

I urge you to continue working to preserve our precious achievements, namely peace, national unity and stability of our institutions.

Happy Youth Day to you all!

Long live Cameroon!

9, February 2026

How Cameroon pays the price for disrespecting contracts ⁰

Contracts are not threats to sovereignty. They are instruments of credibility.

A state that cannot keep its word cannot build an economy. A government that treats contracts as politics invites bankruptcy.

International tribunals ask only one question:

Did the State respect its obligations?

And increasingly, Cameroon is forced to answer:

Nkongho Felix Agbor (“Agbor Balla”)

Lawyer and Human Rights Advocate

In Cameroon, public authorities often behave as though contracts are optional documents — instruments that can be suspended, modified, or terminated at will, depending on political convenience or changes in leadership. At home, such decisions may appear cost-free. Officials feel untouchable, shielded by weak institutions, political influence, and a culture of impunity.

But beyond Cameroon’s borders lies a different reality: a global legal system where contracts are enforceable, states are accountable, and breaches are punished not by speeches, but by billions in damages.

Every time Cameroon fails to respect a contract or abrogates one without due process, it exposes itself to international arbitration, costly litigation, massive compensation awards, reputational damage, and long-term economic loss.

And the bill is paid not by ministers — but by citizens.

The International System Cameroon Cannot Escape

Most major state contracts especially in infrastructure, mining, energy, telecommunications, aviation, and public-private partnerships — include international dispute resolution clauses.

These typically refer disputes to institutions such as the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), and the OHADA Common Court of Justice and Arbitration (CCJA).

Once Cameroon signs such contracts, it waives part of its sovereignty. It accepts that foreign tribunals — not Cameroonian authorities — will judge disputes.

There is no political protection at these forums.

No presidential decree.

No “high instructions”.

Only law. Evidence. And consequences.

Practical Cameroonian Examples: When the State Pays

1. The Antonio Conceição Case: Over 1 Billion FCFA

Perhaps the clearest recent example is the dismissal of football coach Antonio Conceição.

After leading the Indomitable Lions to third place at AFCON 2021, Conceição was dismissed without following contractual procedures. FIFA and later the Swiss Federal Tribunal ruled in his favour.

Cameroon was ordered to pay over 1.6 million euros — more than 1 billion FCFA.

The State eventually had to pay to avoid international sanctions.

This was not a football issue.

It was a contract law failure paid from public funds.

2. The Olembe Stadium and Magil: Over 15 Billion FCFA Frozen

The construction of the Olembe Sports Complex in Yaoundé has become a textbook case of how infrastructure contracts turn into financial disasters.

Following disputes with the contractor, Magil Construction, the matter went to international arbitration in Paris.

Cameroon was ordered to deposit more than 15 billion FCFA into an escrow account.

That is 15 billion francs blocked — not for hospitals, not for schools, not for roads but locked in a legal dispute.

3. The SGS Dispute – A Current Risk

Cameroon is currently facing a serious contractual crisis involving SGS, the Swiss multinational responsible for inspection and verification services linked to customs and trade.

SGS operates at the heart of Cameroon’s revenue system.

Recent administrative attempts to suspend or alter this contract without transparent legal process risk triggering international arbitration.

If this happens, Cameroon faces:

• Compensation claims

• Lost profit damages

• Years of interest

• Millions in legal fees

• Possible seizure of state assets abroad

To his credit, the Prime Minister has intervened to seek an institutional solution. This is welcome.

But the SGS episode illustrates a deeper problem:

in Cameroon, contracts are often treated politically first — and legally later.

At international level, SGS is not dealing with a ministry.

It is dealing with the Republic of Cameroon.

And the Republic cannot hide behind circulars.

The Dangerous Illusion of Domestic Power

Cameroonian officials often behave as if:

“What happens in Yaoundé stays in Yaoundé.”

This is false.

A contract signed in Yaoundé is enforceable in Paris, London, Washington, and The Hague.

A minister/Director may feel powerful locally.

But internationally, Cameroon is just another debtor.

Law Is Cheaper Than Arbitration

Good governance is cheaper than litigation.

Dialogue is cheaper than damages.

Due process is cheaper than seizure.

The paradox is brutal:

Cameroon spends more money fighting contracts than honouring them.

Conclusion: Sovereignty Without Law Is Poverty

Contracts are not threats to sovereignty.

They are instruments of credibility.

A state that cannot keep its word cannot build an economy.

A government that treats contracts as politics invites bankruptcy.

International tribunals ask only one question:

Did the State respect its obligations?

And increasingly, Cameroon is forced to answer:

No.

Written and edited by Barrister Agbor Balla

23, January 2026

Arrest of Issa Tchiroma’s photographer: shameful, disgusting and disgraceful ⁰

We of the Concord Group are expressing grave concern over the reported arrest and detention of the personal photographer of President-elect Issa Tchiroma Bakary. We understand Alpha was arrested in Garoua and immediately transferred to SED in Yaoundé. His arrest raises serious questions about respect for fundamental rights, press freedom, and the protection of individuals engaged in journalistic and documentary work.

For those who do not know, photographers and media professionals play a crucial role in documenting public life, ensuring transparency, and informing citizens. Their work—especially when linked to public figures—falls squarely within the scope of freedom of expression and the right to information, both of which are protected under national constitutions and international human rights instruments.

The arrest of Tchiroma’s photographer is connected to the lawful exercise of professional duties. Alpha’s arrest is a continuation of a vicious policy designed by the ruling CPDM crime syndicate to intimidate media workers and restrict the public’s access to information.

Arbitrary arrest and detention in the so called advanced democracy practiced in Yaoundé violates core principles of the rule of law. Any deprivation of liberty must be lawful, necessary, proportionate, and accompanied by due process guarantees, including access to legal counsel and prompt information about the reasons for arrest.

Minister Paul Atanga Nji’s targeting of a photographer for his professional association or for content produced in the public interest undermines freedom of the press and constitute an abuse of his authority as Minister of Territorial Administration. Paul Atanga Nji’s action also contributes to a climate of fear that discourages journalists from carrying out their work freely and independently.

The arrest of Mr. Alpha has reportedly sent a chilling signal to media professionals, photographers, and journalists who documented Issa Tchiroma’s presidential election campaign and his political life. When those behind the cameras in Cameroon are treated with contempt, society as a whole suffers from reduced transparency, weakened accountability, and diminished democratic space.

Cameroon Concord News Group is calling for an immediate clarification of the legal basis for the arrest and the current status of the photographer.

We of the Concord Group are also demanding unconditional release of the photographer since no credible, lawful charges exist.

We also call on whosoever is going by that title Minister of Territorial Administration to show full respect for due process and the rights of the detained individual and to prevent future abuses against journalists and photographers.

The arrest of Issa Tchiroma’s photographer, as reported, is deeply concerning and incompatible with democratic norms and human rights standards. Authorities must act swiftly to remedy this situation, uphold the rule of law, and ensure that no individual is punished for documenting public life. Protecting media professionals is not optional—it is essential to transparency, accountability, and justice.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Chairman/Editor-In-Chief