Editorial

26, May 2026

Cameroonians in Leicester: funeral contributions must never become a marketplace for corruption ⁰

The recent creation of a Commission of Inquiry into the alleged embezzlement of funds raised for the repatriation of the remains of Tata Jeff Osife Mokube who died in Leicester in the Midlands is the most vital and commendable action toward restoring trust, accountability and integrity within the Cameroonian community in Great Britain.

It is common knowledge deep within the Cameroonian community in the UK that at any time of grief whether in England, Wales, Scotland or Northern Ireland including the Irish State, solidarity always prevail.

Whenever Cameroonians and their well-wishers contribute money to ensure that one of their own receives a dignified home-going, they do so “in good faith”, believing that their generous contributions would serve a holy and humanitarian purpose. Any insinuation that such money may have been diverted for personal gain, strikes not only at the heart of trust within the Cameroonian UK family but also at the moral conscience of the Cameroonian community itself.

Consequently, the decision by the Cameroonian community in Leicester UK to establish a Commission of Inquiry into what is now known as the Tata Jeff Osife Mokube Affair deserves widespread support. To be sure, it sends a clear message that no individual should exploit tragedy for selfish enrichment and more importantly, the Leicester UK decision demonstrates a commitment to transparency and justice, values that are indispensable in preserving unity among Cameroonians both at home and in the diaspora.

We of the Cameroon Concord News Group are happy with this decision and we hope that the inquiry will be conducted independently, professionally and without prejudice against the team headed by Ben Ntamack. The objective of this Commission of Inquiry should not be vengeance or public spectacle, but truth and accountability.

Ben Ntamack and his acolytes should know that deep within the Cameroonian community in Great Britain, those entrusted with handling community money carry a heavy moral responsibility, especially in matters involving death and bereavement. If wrongdoing occurs as it is now being reported all over the UK in the Tata Jeff Osife Mokube Affair, the Cameroonian people deserve to know the full extent of it and appropriate measures must be taken to prevent a recurrence.

Far from determining culpability, the Leicester Commission of Inquiry is also offering Cameroonians in Great Britain an opportunity for institutional reform. Cameroonian fundraising initiatives in the UK, particularly those organized in moments of crisis should be governed by clearer financial procedures, transparent reporting mechanisms and stronger oversight. In this regard, we of the Cameroon Concord News Group salute the leadership of the Manyu Solidarity Group UK for their single-guided vision towards development and unity of purpose. Diaspora communities are often most vulnerable during emergencies, and systems must exist to protect both donors and beneficiaries from abuse.

Equally important in this Tata Jeff Osife Mokube Affair is the need to preserve the dignity of the deceased and the emotional wellbeing of the bereaved family both in the UK and back home in Cameroon. The present controversy surrounding the late Tata Jeff Osife Mokube contribution is creating pain and division. A credible inquiry can help bring clarity, closure and reassurance that justice and integrity still matter.

In welcoming this Leicester Commission of Inquiry on the Tata Jeff Osife Mokube Affair, we of the Cameroon Concord News Group affirm a simple but powerful principle: compassion must never become a marketplace for corruption. The generosity of ordinary Cameroonians in the UK deserves respect, and every contribution made in the name of humanity must be accounted for faithfully.

The Cameroonian community in the Midlands now has an opportunity to turn a painful episode into a defining moment for integrity, responsibility and collective renewal.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

25, May 2026

Atanga Nji’s Samuel Eto’o comment: Cameroon does not need bombastic declarations ⁰

As a chartered member of the ruling CPDM crime syndicate wanted by the Special Criminal Court in Yaoundé, the Minister of Territorial Administration Paul Atanga Nji has every right to dream big for Cameroonian football. Cameroonians are entitled to ambition and Cameroonian football fans are entitled to hope. But asking the President of the Cameroon Football Federation Samuel Eto’o to “give Cameroon two more Africa Cup of Nations titles and a FIFA World Cup semi-final place” is not leadership. It is political theatre wrapped in football romanticism.

Paul Atanga Nji’s statement collapses under the weight of its own absurdity.

Soccer in today’s world is not governed by charisma, nostalgia or individual football legend. It is governed by systems namely: youth development, coaching structures, domestic league investment and sports medicine including governance stability, scouting networks, infrastructure and institutional competence. No football federation president in the world, not even a global icon like Samuel Eto’o can wave a wand and manufacture continental dominance and World Cup semi-finals on command.

To frame Cameroon’s football destiny as the personal responsibility of one man is to fundamentally misunderstand how elite football works in 2026. We of the Concord Group are extremely shocked by Minister Paul Atanga Nji’s low sense of judgment.

Cameroon’s greatest football moments were not created by slogans from corrupt government ministers. The 1990 FIFA World Cup quarter-final run was the product of a golden generation, tactical discipline and an era in which African football was beginning to break psychological barriers. The 2000 and 2002 AFCON triumphs came from a deep reservoir of talent, organization and continuity. Even then, success was difficult, fragile and fiercely contested.

Today, the landscape is even harsher. Morocco reached the World Cup semi-finals in 2022 not because King Mohammed VI publicly demanded it, but because the country spent years building academies, modernizing football administration, investing in facilities and creating a coherent football ecosystem. Senegal’s rise was similarly institutional, not mystical. Egypt’s consistency did not emerge from reckless and tactless ministerial declarations. Serious football nations build patiently.

Cameroon continues to struggle with recurring administrative disputes, inconsistent domestic league structures, coaching instability and tensions between the Minister of Sports and Physical Education and football establishments. Mindful of the current situation, demanding “two more Africa Cup of Nations titles and a FIFA World Cup semi-final” sounds less like a strategic vision and more like a headline designed for applause in Yaoundé.

Even more troubling is the dangerous personalization of Cameroon’s football. Samuel Eto’o is not Cameroon’s entire football machinery. Eto’o is not the youth academies. Eto’o is not the league. Eto’o is not the tactical execution on the pitch. Eto’o is not the ministry of finance. Eto’o is not the infrastructure budget. Elevating one man into both savior and scapegoat is intellectually lazy and politically convenient.

If the Indomitable Lions fail, will Atanga Nji and his gang acknowledge structural dysfunction? Or will they simply recycle blame onto Eto’o?

Cameroon football development cannot continue to operate on plain fiction, superstition and celebrity worship. It requires accountability across government, federation leadership, clubs, coaches, schools and private investment. President Biya and his corrupt cabinet ministers should be talking about pitches, academies, referee standards, grassroots competitions, sports science and transparent governance not casually handing out World Cup semi-final ultimatums as though football were a ring road campaign promise to the people of the North West region.

There is also an arrogance hidden inside the Atanga Nji declaration. Winning the Africa Cup of Nations is extraordinarily difficult. Reaching a World Cup semi-final is historically monumental. Only one African nation has ever done it. To speak about these achievements as obligations rather than aspirations trivializes the scale of the challenge. Cameroon does not need bombastic declarations. It needs seriousness deep within government circles.

Samuel Eto’o should be judged on tangible administrative progress: improving football structures, stabilizing FECAFOOT operations, supporting grassroots football, attracting investment and creating long-term competitiveness. Those are measurable standards. Those are rational expectations.

But demanding “two AFCON trophies and a World Cup semi-final” as though football history can be summoned by political rhetoric is, quite simply, nonsensical nonsense.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

21, May 2026

Another 20TH May, same questions: Can Biya still steady Cameroon? ⁰

As Cameroon marks another National Day under the leadership of Paul Biya, the atmosphere surrounding the celebrations feels far more reflective than triumphant.

For decades, May 20 has represented continuity, national unity and the resilience of the Cameroonian state. Military parades, patriotic songs and carefully orchestrated displays of state authority have long reinforced the image of a country anchored by stability.

This year, however, the celebrations arrive at a moment of unusual national introspection.

Behind the formal ceremonies lies a country wrestling with uncertainty over leadership, governance and the future direction of the republic. Cameroon is increasingly confronting questions that for years remained largely whispered in political circles: succession, institutional fatigue, generational renewal and the long-term sustainability of a system built around one dominant political figure.

At 93, President Biya remains one of the world’s oldest serving leaders. Yet his reduced visibility has become impossible to ignore. Public appearances have grown increasingly rare. National addresses are infrequent. Important moments in the country’s political life often unfold without direct engagement from the presidency.

Less than a year after securing another term in office despite growing concerns over his age and health, many Cameroonians now openly wonder whether the country is entering a delicate transition period without a clearly communicated roadmap.

The promises that accompanied the latest mandate — including commitments to empower young people, elevate women and modernize governance — have so far produced limited visible change. Instead, frustration continues to build around economic hardship, administrative stagnation and the perception that political renewal remains indefinitely postponed.

The Slow Unraveling of the Old Guard

Cameroon’s current political unease is not driven solely by concerns surrounding the presidency. It also reflects the gradual disappearance of a political generation that shaped the country for more than four decades.

In recent months, several prominent figures associated with the country’s long-standing establishment have either died, exited office or been forced into political retirement by deteriorating health.

The departure of Marcel Niat Njifenji became one of the clearest examples of this reality. Long regarded as one of the most influential figures within the ruling establishment, he was eventually replaced by his deputy before passing away shortly afterward.

A similar scenario unfolded in the National Assembly with the passing of Cavaye Yeguie Djibril, a political heavyweight who had occupied senior parliamentary positions since the 1970s and served as Speaker for more than three decades.

The deaths of other senior personalities, including General Philip Mpay and former Supreme Court Justice Dipanda Mouelle, have further reinforced the sense that an era in Cameroon’s political history is slowly coming to an end.

For many citizens, these developments are more than isolated losses. They expose the fragility of a political system that delayed generational transition for too long and relied heavily on aging personalities instead of strong institutional succession mechanisms.

Vacant Offices and the Cost of Political Delay

One of the most pressing governance concerns facing Cameroon today is the growing number of institutions affected by delayed appointments, prolonged vacancies or officials widely viewed as physically exhausted and politically disconnected from present-day realities.

Across ministries, public agencies and state corporations, concerns over leadership inertia have become increasingly common.

Many Cameroonians privately admit that the country narrowly escaped a serious constitutional and symbolic crisis with the deteriorating health conditions of both the Senate President and National Assembly Speaker before their departures from office. For years, public opinion had questioned whether both men still possessed the energy and capacity required for such sensitive national responsibilities.

Yet decisive succession planning appeared absent until events forced the issue.

That pattern has become increasingly characteristic of governance in Cameroon, where leadership transitions often happen reactively rather than through deliberate institutional planning.

Critical offices remain unfilled. Important decisions continue to be delayed. Administrative bottlenecks have deepened in sectors requiring urgent reform and modernization.

Questions are also growing louder about the concentration of authority within a small political circle that has remained largely unchanged for decades.

Many younger Cameroonians struggle to understand how certain ministers have remained in the same positions for more than twenty years without meaningful rotation or institutional renewal. What was once defended as experience and continuity is increasingly interpreted by critics as stagnation and resistance to change.

In a rapidly evolving Africa driven by youthful populations, technological transformation and competitive economies, Cameroon risks appearing politically frozen while much of the continent moves forward.

National Crises Demanding Immediate Attention

The leadership uncertainty comes at a time when Cameroon faces multiple crises requiring urgent political attention.

The Anglophone conflict remains among the country’s gravest national challenges. Years after violence erupted in the North West and South West regions, insecurity continues to disrupt daily life across large sections of the two regions.

Communities continue to endure kidnappings, attacks, displacement and prolonged disruptions to education and economic activity. Entire generations of children have experienced interrupted schooling because of instability.

Even as National Day celebrations project images of national unity, tensions remain visible across parts of the Anglophone regions, where frustration and insecurity continue to shape daily realities.

Many observers believe the crisis can no longer be managed solely through military containment and administrative measures. Increasingly, calls are growing for stronger political engagement, deeper national dialogue and a more imaginative long-term solution capable of rebuilding trust between the state and affected communities.

At the same time, corruption scandals and governance controversies continue to weaken public confidence in state institutions.

Questions surrounding gold exploitation in Cameroon’s East Region have fueled fresh concerns about transparency, illegal networks and the management of strategic natural resources. Critics argue that such controversies reinforce broader perceptions of weak oversight and institutional decline.

Economic pressures have also intensified public frustration. Rising living costs, unemployment and limited economic opportunities continue to weigh heavily on ordinary citizens, particularly the youth population that was promised greater inclusion during the president’s latest mandate.

The Vice Presidency Debate and Succession Anxiety

Recent moves to establish the office of Vice President have only deepened speculation surrounding succession within the Cameroonian political system.

The speed with which the legislation passed through parliament surprised many observers, particularly in a country where institutional reforms often move slowly.

The ruling CPDM’s overwhelming parliamentary majority ensured the bill’s swift approval, immediately triggering nationwide debate over its political significance.

For some, the move reflected an attempt to reassure political elites and calm growing anxieties about succession. Others viewed it as a sign that internal discussions about the post-Biya era may already be far more advanced than publicly acknowledged.

Yet weeks after the bill’s passage, no vice president has been appointed.

That silence has fueled further speculation and uncertainty.

In Cameroon’s highly centralized political environment, ambiguity often creates tension within elite circles, especially when questions of succession remain unresolved.

Elections Delayed as Anxiety Grows

The postponement of parliamentary and local government elections has added another layer of uncertainty to an already fragile political climate.

Official explanations cite organizational and administrative considerations. Critics, however, interpret the delays as signs of a government attempting to carefully manage an increasingly sensitive political environment.

For many Cameroonians, the cumulative effect of delayed reforms, aging leadership, unresolved crises and institutional hesitation has created the impression of a state operating in slow motion at a time when urgent decisions are required.

A Defining Moment for the Presidency

Despite growing criticism, President Biya still possesses the authority and political influence necessary to shape how Cameroon navigates the coming years.

Many observers believe the country has reached a moment where hesitation itself carries risks.

Vacant offices require credible appointments.

Government restructuring can no longer remain permanently deferred.

Institutions need revitalization.

The Anglophone crisis requires renewed political imagination and engagement.

Public confidence must be restored through visible action rather than repeated promises.

Most importantly, Cameroon’s leadership faces the challenge of demonstrating that the stability of the state can outlive the personalities that have dominated it for generations.

National Day Beneath the Shadow of Transition

This year’s National Day therefore carries symbolism far deeper than ceremonial celebrations.

It reflects a country standing at the intersection of continuity and transition.

For decades, Paul Biya built a reputation as one of Africa’s most resilient political survivors, navigating coups, economic crises, regional instability and shifting geopolitical pressures.

But no political system remains untouched by time forever.

Cameroon today appears increasingly confronted by the realities of generational change, institutional renewal and the unavoidable limits of personal rule.

As the country celebrates another National Day, the question dominating political discussions is no longer simply whether President Biya can remain in office.

The more pressing question is whether decisive action can still be taken to stabilize the system, address urgent national crises, preserve institutional order and guide Cameroon toward a smooth and peaceful transition before uncertainty overtakes stability.

Culled from Pan African Visions

20, May 2026

Yaoundé: US Embassy travel warning underscores deepening security crisis ⁰

The recent warning issued by the Embassy of the United States in the nation’s capital Yaoundé advising US citizens against travel to Southern Cameroons and the Far North region is yet another stark reminder of the fragile security situation facing Cameroon.

While travel advisories are not uncommon in conflict-prone countries and areas, such a direct caution from a top diplomatic mission in Cameroon sends a powerful signal about the seriousness of the threats on the ground.

For years, the English speaking regions of Cameroon have been trapped in a violent secession crisis that has claimed thousands of lives, displaced communities, and crippled economic activity. What began as grievances over marginalization has spiraled into a prolonged war marked by clashes between armed Ambazonia Restoration groups and Cameroon government forces, kidnappings, roadblocks and attacks on civilians. Schools remain disrupted in many areas of Southern Cameroons, businesses operate under fear and ordinary citizens continue to bear the brunt of insecurity.

At the same time, the Far North region continues to face the menace of extremist violence linked to Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP). Despite military operations and regional cooperation, sporadic attacks, suicide bombings, and cross-border incursions continue to threaten lives and livelihoods. Villages have been destroyed, humanitarian needs remain high, and local populations live under constant uncertainty.

We of the Cameroon Concord News Group think that the US Embassy’s warning should not merely be viewed as a routine diplomatic precaution. It is an international acknowledgment that insecurity in these regions has reached levels that cannot be ignored. It also risks damaging Cameroon’s image abroad, discouraging tourism, foreign investment and international engagement at a time when the country needs economic confidence and stability.

More importantly, the advisory raises uncomfortable questions for the entire Biya regime defenders. If foreign governments consider parts of Cameroon unsafe for their citizens, what does this mean for the millions of Cameroonians who have no choice but to live and work in these areas every day? Security cannot only be measured by official statements of control; it must be reflected in the daily reality experienced by citizens.

Etoudi must intensify efforts toward lasting solutions rather than temporary containment. In the English speaking regions, this means genuine dialogue, political inclusion and meaningful reforms that address longstanding grievances. Military action alone cannot resolve a conflict rooted in mistrust and alienation. In the Far North, sustained humanitarian support, regional cooperation, and socio-economic development are essential complements to security operations.

The Trump administration and other international partners also have a role to play by supporting peace building efforts and humanitarian assistance while encouraging all parties to prioritize civilian protection and dialogue over violence.

Ultimately, travel advisories may protect foreign nationals, but they also expose deeper national realities. Cameroon cannot afford for insecurity to become normalized or for entire regions to remain synonymous with danger. The warning from the US Embassy should serve as a wake-up call not only for policymakers, but for all stakeholders committed to preserving peace, unity and stability in the country.

By Rita Akana

Cameroon Concord News Group

Yaounde Bureau Chief

19, May 2026

Killing of 4 soldiers in Muyuka: Biya must recognize that peace cannot emerge from silence and denial ⁰

The killing of four Cameroon government army soldiers in Muyuka, a town some few miles away from Buea the chief city in the South West region is not just another tragic headline; it is the direct consequence of failed leadership and a regime that continues to prioritize military responses over genuine and meaningful dialogue.

For years, voices of reason—including His Grace Archbishop Andrew Fuanya Nkea have urged President Biya including prominent members of his Beti-Bulu tribal cabinet to sit down with the jailed Southern Cameroons leaders and pursue a negotiated settlement. Yet those appeals have largely fallen on deaf ears.

We of the Cameroon Concord News Group are of the opinion that every fresh attack, every ambush and every death whether civilian or military, underscores the bankruptcy of a Francophone teleguided strategy rooted almost exclusively in force.

Cameroon government troops are being sent into a war that cannot be won at gunpoint, while communities remain trapped between Ambazonia violence and government crackdowns. The aftermath is a malicious cycle where retaliation breeds more resentment and resentment is fueling more bloodshed.

Archbishop Andrew Nkea of the Bamenda Ecclesiastical Province and other religious and civil society leaders have repeatedly said that genuine dialogue is not a sign of weakness but of political maturity. Their position reflects a simple reality that conflicts driven by historical grievances, marginalization, and mistrust do not disappear through military operations alone. Ignoring calls for talks only deepens the divide and prolong the suffering.

Yaoundé’s refusal to engage credible Southern Cameroons voices such as Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and his top aides also sends a very dangerous message that political grievances can be ignored indefinitely while security forces bear the human cost on the battlefield. The four soldiers who lost their lives in Muyuka are victims not only of Ambazonia bullets but also of political inertia at the highest levels in Yaoundé.

The so-called one and indivisible Cameroon now stands at a crossroads. Continuing down the current path only guarantees more funerals in both English and French Cameroun, more displaced families in Southern Cameroons and a nation further fractured. Biya and his men must recognize that peace cannot emerge from silence and denial. Genuine negotiations, however difficult, remain the only realistic path toward ending the Ambazonia crisis.

The crisis in Anglophone Cameroon has outlasted Cavaye Djibril, Amadou Ali, Marcel Niat, Chief VE Mukete, Jean Baptiste Bokam, General Mpay and Chief Tabetando!! It will definitely outlast Biya. Until leaders in Yaoundé accept this truth, the bloodshed will continue and more soldiers, civilians, and innocent lives will pay the price for a war that dialogue could have helped contain long ago.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

13, May 2026

Colonel Hamad Kalkaba Malboum: Cameroon mourns a guardian of national pride ⁰

The President of the National Olympic and Sports Committee of Cameroon is no more! Retired Colonel Hamad Kalkaba Malboum died today in Yaoundé, the nation’s capital. No details have been released regarding the circumstances of his passing. But family sources have hinted that his funeral is scheduled to take place in a few hours at the Etoudi Mosque in Yaoundé. The nation is not mourning only a sports administrator but a builder of dreams, a guardian of national pride and a giant of African sport who has travelled to the land of his ancestors aged 76.

Colonel Hamad Kalkaba Malboum was a gentleman par excellence who believed in the Anglo-Saxon tradition of integrity and he carried the Olympic spirit not as a title but as a calling. To be sure, he stood at the crossroads of discipline and vision, blending the firmness of a Cameroonian soldier with the heart of a mentor. Under Colonel Hamad Kalkaba’s leadership, Africa’s sporting movements found not only integrity and dignity but also direction. He believed and fervently too that sport could unite tribes, generations and nations and he dedicated his whole life to making that belief real.

From stadiums in Douala, Buea, Bamenda, Garoua and Yaoundé to international Olympic assemblies, Colonel Hamad Kalkaba Malboum’s voice carried the hopes of African athletes. Kalkaba fought endlessly for the recognition of African sport on the world stage, ensuring that the dreams born on dusty training grounds could shine beneath Olympic lights.

But far beyond the medals, the international congresses and the titles, Colonel Hamad Kalkaba Malboum will be remembered for something deeper: his unwavering faith in the Cameroonian youth.

Colonel Kalkaba saw potential where everyone saw limitation.

Colonel Kalkaba inspired courage where others saw obstacles.

Colonel Kalkaba reminded the world that excellence belongs to Africa too.

Colonel Hamad Kalkaba Malboum left something behind that is very difficult to describe but the world is very much aware!

Even in death, Colonel Kalkaba’s legacy lives on:

in every Cameroonian athlete who dares to dream,

in every African flag raised in international competition,

and in every young sportsman or woman who now believes the world stage is within reach. Colonel Kalkaba did not merely lead institutions. Kalkaba shaped destinies.

May Yaoundé remember Colonel Kalkaba’s footsteps.

May Cameroon honour Colonel Kalkaba’s sacrifice.

May Africa never forget his service.

And may his soul find eternal peace among the champions he inspired.

Born on November 11, 1950 in Kawadji near Kousséri, he served as President of the National Olympic and Sports Committee of Cameroon since 1998, President of the African Athletics Confederation (CAA), and Vice President of the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) since August 2015.

He replaced Lamine Diack following the death of Primo Nebiolo and lost the presidency of the International Military Sports Council in 2014. In 2024, he was elected President of the African Olympic Sports Confederation.

Rest well, Colonel! Your race was long, your finish was honorable and your legacy is immortal.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

13, May 2026

FECAFOOT new headquarters and the CPDM ribbon-cutting republic ⁰

Yaoundé, the nation’s capital where potholes have tenure, blackouts arrive more regularly and more reliably than ambulances and the entire population can name football clubs in Europe, North America and in the Gulf States before they can name a functioning public establishment, the Biya led regime today demonstrated once more its unmatched mastery of ceremony-the inauguration of the new building to host the Cameroon Football Federation.

The event can best be described as a source of shame attended with the gravity usually reserved for May 20 celebrations, Indomitable Lions victory parades or the discovery of potable tap water in the Far North Region.

The building seen here on the photo attached to this editorial will house the entire governing body of the Cameroon Football Federation (FECAFOOT) – a very noble achievement for a country that has participated in six FIFA World Cup finals.

Today’s ceremony in Yaoundé clearly reveals that the missing ingredient in our Francophone dominated Cameroonian football is not youth investment, honest and transparent administration, functioning local championships or unpaid players and coaching staffs. No. It is buildings. Magnificent ultra-modern buildings!

All of Cameroon except the 92-year-old President Biya was involved in today’s FECAFOOT new office party.

The presidency of the republic in the words of artist Maxi Manorh was “fully represented”! Cabinet ministers answered present. Deputy cabinet ministers came. Ministers delegated by ministers from the presidency and the prime minister’s office attended. Traditional rulers arrived. Barons of the ruling CPDM party were visible. Security entourages multiplied around the vicinity like unpaid invoices in the Ministry of Finance. Somewhere in the convoy was Ahmad Ahmad former president of the African Football Confederation who ousted the late Issa Hayatou.

The ceremony was planned with the sole and ill-disguised intention of making Cameroonians to put behind them the painful failure to qualify for the 2026 FIFA World Cup in Canada-USA with the organizers insisting that the national anthem must be delivered in English. (See copy of program).

As usual, speeches flowed including that of CAF President Patrice Tlhopane Motsepe with the usual high-tempo soccer match enthusiasm for obvious facts. In one of the dirtiest capital cities in the world, the FECAFOOT building represents progress. Patrice Tlhopane Motsepe whose kinsmen have been slaughtering hundreds of black African migrants in his native South Africa praised the vision of modern football governance in Cameroon while seated beneath an air conditioner likely more efficient than FECAFOOT itself.

Every speaker on the public address system praised the leadership of Samuel Eto’o because in Biya’s Cameroon, no public staircase can simply be a staircase. It must symbolize emergence 2036, corruption, Special Criminal Court, resilience, appointments, decentralization and probably a big thank you to the Head of State.

Just outside the so-called new FECAFOOT building, ordinary Cameroonians watched the show with the weary expertise of citizens who have seen too many ribbon-cutting in Biya’s continued stay in power and zero outcomes. Ever since Biya took office, buildings are opened with fireworks and abandoned with silence.

What is laughable here is not that a new befitting FECAFOOT headquarters now exists in Yaoundé. Every serious football federation needs one. The comedy is the large scale of the political pilgrimage surrounding today’s inauguration event involving Prime Minister Dion Ngute, Higher Education Minister Fame Ndongo, Minister of Sports and Physical Education Mouelle Kombi Narcisse and a former CAF president banned from football activities. A country capable of mobilizing the political and administrative class to admire a building and the office furniture somehow still struggles to mobilize basic services with the same urgency. Perhaps Cameroon’s genuine national sport is not football but attendance. Name them: attendance at ceremonies, attendance at launches and attendance at commemorations of previous ceremonies. A CPDM MP or cabinet minister can miss parliamentary sessions, miss his or her children’s graduation ceremony; even miss family funeral rites but never the laying of a foundation stone as they often put it in their local parlance.

Meanwhile, on a playground some few meters away from the new FECAFOOT building producing the next generation of football talent, boys and girls are still playing on dusty environment with improvised goalposts and dreams larger than the budget for the inauguration refreshments.

But at least for now there is a FECAFOOT headquarters from which Samuel Eto’o and his progressive forces can discuss the condition of the dusty fields in the country.

A great leap forward.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

11, May 2026

There are reasons why Israel has been President Biya’s key ally since 1984 ⁰

In October 2025, Cameroon’s 92-year-old authoritarian president, Paul Biya, secured another term in elections widely regarded as undemocratic and fraudulent. For 42 years, Biya has ruled Cameroon through repression, violence, the detention of political opponents and journalists, and widespread corruption.

Yet Cameroon remains one of Israel’s most important partners in Africa, while Israel has been one of President Biya’s key allies since 1984.

The official website of Israel’s embassy in the Cameroonian capital, Yaoundé, presents a polished version of bilateral relations. It states that “the Republic of Cameroon and the State of Israel have maintained cooperative ties since Cameroon’s independence in 1960. Cooperation was temporarily suspended in 1973 (with the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War), when many African countries severed bilateral relations with Israel. In 1986, Cameroon was among the first African states to renew diplomatic ties with Israel.”

On the resumption of relations, the official account offers little detail. It notes that in 1986, Israel’s ambassador to Cameroon, Gadi Golan, said the two countries were “jointly engaged in a human-scale enterprise,” pursuing “direct and practical cooperation in line with the needs of a century nearing its end.” It also highlights a visit that August by Prime Minister Shimon Peres to Yaoundé, described as a mission to restore diplomatic ties. Peres reportedly brought emergency medical supplies and personnel to assist victims of a devastating volcanic gas disaster that killed thousands of Cameroonians.

Partially declassified files from Israel’s State Archives tell a different story. As in other African countries, the renewed relationship was driven less by humanitarian concerns and more by Israeli military assistance aimed at helping Biya consolidate power during a critical period – following a failed coup attempt and amid fears of his predecessor, Ahmadou Ahidjo, and his supporters. The cables confirm reporting published over the years while adding new details.

A Foreign Ministry review dated September 20, 1985, states that contacts began in March 1984, during a visit to Cameroon by the ministry’s director-general, who met Biya. “In April 1984, there was a failed coup attempt. The coup was suppressed and a purge was carried out.” In June 1984, “a large security delegation arrived in Israel, headed by the president’s military secretary, and was received by then–Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir.”

The following month, an Israeli delegation – including military and intelligence personnel – traveled to Cameroon. Agreements reached with Biya included appointing a representative for Israeli interests in Cameroon, Israeli assistance in training the presidential guard, intelligence cooperation, and large-scale arms purchases. “All of the above agreements were implemented,” the document notes. Immediately after the meeting, “as a gesture of goodwill, Cameroon transferred $12 million to an account of the Defense Ministry.” Golan arrived in Yaoundé in late August 1984, accompanied by a large delegation from the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and military industries.

In an October 23, 1984 cable, Golan – who initially served as head of the Israeli interests section attached to the Belgian embassy, before being appointed ambassador following President Paul Biya’s official announcement of the renewal of relations in August 1986 – reported that he had met with Samuel Missomba, head of the local internal security service, the National Documentation Centre (CND). Missomba told him that Cameroon required Israeli assistance “in establishing an intelligence-gathering system, as well as help in setting up units for operations abroad to collect intelligence or carry out missions against training camps of supporters of the former president in neighboring countries,” and also assistance in “monitoring the activities of the former president and his supporters.”

In a December 28, 1984 cable, the Foreign Ministry Africa Department director reported that CND chief Missomba told him at a dinner that two training courses would be conducted in Cameroon by Israel’s Mossad. In another cable dated May 24, 1985, Golan reported that he had met with Missomba, who said that participants in the Mossad training told him they had “never studied or even come into contact with the material being taught to them – it is an entirely new world for them,” and that a second cycle of the program had been scheduled. According to a cable Golan sent on December 26, 1986, Israel also conducted an intelligence course for the unit responsible for the protection of Biya.

A Foreign Ministry review from September 5, 1985, states that “military and intelligence assistance is being provided on a significant scale, with the Cameroonians paying in advance for services and equipment.”

According to an October 30, 1986 cable from the Israeli mission in Yaoundé, Biya approved sending security personnel to Israel for counterterrorism training. A November 28, 1986 cable reports that the head of the president’s office signed an extension of contracts for Israeli military advisers. An earlier cable, dated February 25, 1986, indicates that 11 IDF officers were involved in training Cameroon’s presidential guard and army.

Between October 26 and 29, 1987, a five-member delegation from a newly established intelligence service, the National Centre for Studies and Research (CENER), visited Israel to meet with the Mossad. In a November 20, 1987 cable, Golan wrote that Missomba – who had been appointed to head CENER and took part in the visit – said he was “deeply moved” by his time in Israel, including meetings with the Mossad chief and the prime minister.

A September 11, 1987 cable included a list of four Cameroonian officers set to travel to Israel “to examine electronic equipment for counterterrorism.”

According to a Foreign Ministry review dated December 11, 1987, “an IDF delegation is training the presidential guard and instructing at the parachuting school. The trained units have received advanced Israeli-made military equipment worth $40 million, paid in full in advance,” and the president had “an Israeli adviser on intelligence matters.”

In a December 19, 1987 cable, Golan described a meeting with Biya, who “expressed satisfaction with the development of cooperation with the Mossad” and sought advice on a successor to Missomba. According to Golan, Biya said that CIA officials had advised against appointing a police or military figure. He asked Golan’s opinion of Missomba’s deputy; Golan replied that the deputy had made a good impression during a visit to Israel.

Between January 10 and 17, 1988, a delegation led by Cameroon’s police commissioner and senior police officers visited Israel. According to a summary of the visit prepared by Foreign Ministry Africa Department director Benaad Avital, agreements were reached on training Cameroonian police – both in Israel and in Cameroon – in counterterrorism and firearms use, as well as in the operation of communications equipment purchased from Israel. Earlier, in a cable dated December 17, 1987, Golan noted that almost all of Cameroon’s police communications equipment was Israeli-made.

Most Foreign Ministry files on Cameroon remain classified. In 2018, however, we – a group of 76 Israeli human rights activists – petitioned the Supreme Court of Israel to revoke export licenses for arms supplied to the Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), known in Cameroon as “the Israeli unit,” which was found to have committed serious crimes against civilians in opposition areas. Our petition was based on verified evidence from Cameroonian journalists and opposition activists showing that Israelis had trained and advised the unit, whose soldiers used Israeli weapons including Galil, Galil ACE, Tavor rifles, and Negev machine guns. The court imposed a gag order on the case.

Just as President Biya has relied on Israel, Israel has also relied on him personally to maintain the stability of their bilateral relationship. How relations between the two countries will evolve after a change of power in Cameroon remains an open question.

Source: m.thewire

8, May 2026

President Biya will attempt to go to Heaven illegally ⁰

In a conversation a cream of Cameroon Concord Group reporters had with Cardinal Christian Tumi, the great man of God observed that the Almighty Father will ask President Paul Biya what he did with the lives entrusted to him.

Cardinal Christian Tumi walked among us and like the Master Jesus Christ the Prince of Peace; Tumi made himself of no reputation but made millions of Cameroonians to know that they can live this life and that they can walk this path with Jesus. Biya said in the presence of this reporter and the late Dr Martin Belinga that Tumi never came to him for anything. Cardinal Tumi has met HIM and he is now with HIM.

However, if the gates of Heaven had an immigration desk, Cameroonians could imagine President Biya arriving with the confidence of a man who has outlasted half the world’s political calendars.

Biya after seeing Marcel Niat, George Tabetando and Joseph Owona will attempt to jump the queue but will be ordered back by angels of the Lord.

“Purpose of visit Mister President of Cameroon?” Saint John Paul II would ask.

“Retirement,” Biya would reply.

At that point, all the Angels and Saints including Marcel Niat, George Tabetando and Joseph Owona standing within a five-cloud radius would burst into serious laughter. Retirement? From CPDM politics in Cameroon? That’s like a mosquito in Douala announcing it has retired from biting ankles.

Saint Peter and Saint John Paul II would immediately call an emergency meeting. Not because President Paul Biya is standing on the front line! Saint Peter and Saint John Paul II have seen a Cameroonian head of state in the person of Ahmadou Ahidjo, traditional rulers like Fon Angwafor and VE Mukete, cabinet ministers including custom officers and taxation officials from ENAM before — but because President Biya’s entry documents would probably be older than some constellations.

Saint John Paul II would whisper to Cardinal Tumi, “Didn’t Biya govern Cameroon during the era when fax machines were considered advanced technology?”

Cardinal Tumi would answer, “Yes, and somehow he still managed to govern mostly from the InterContinental Hotel in Switzerland.”

The conversation between Cardinal Tumi and Saint John Paul II would turn uncomfortable shifting to the many ordinary Cameroonians whose lives were marked by hardship, political repression, conflict, corruption and tragedy during decades of Biya’s rule. President Biya still standing at the pearly gate is now being told that Heaven, unlike CPDM politics, insist on accountability before admission.

Saint John Paul II will pull out an enormous ledger handed to him by Cardinal Tumi and say:

“Mister Biya, we have reports here from students beaten for protesting, villagers displaced by the war in Southern Cameroons, journalists silenced, families grieving children lost in several unrest and you’re trying to jump the queue and enter through the VIP gate?”

Biya would allegedly smile the smile of a confident successful man who survived every cabinet reshuffle under the late President Ahmadou Ahidjo and later became head of state.

“I have diplomatic immunity.”

To which Saint John Paul II would respond:

“Sir, during my time as Pope John Paul II, I visited Cameroon and reminded you that Heaven is eternity and does not recognize constitutional amendments.”

Biya will then attempt to enter Heaven illegally not by forcing his way through the gate or climbing a fence but by turning to Marcel Niat, George Tabetando and Joseph Owona and asking them to form a committee to study whether the gates of Heaven should remain closed pending a Grand National Dialogue and consultations extending until 2087.

Impatient angels would begin pushing Saint John Paul II to attend to the 14 Southern Cameroons civilians killed in Ndzerem-Nyam village and the 2 government soldiers in Big Babanki.

We of the Cameroon Concord Group are of the opinion that Cameroonian leaders may escape elections, critics or history books rewritten by CPDM loyalists, but eternity is a place where political power no longer bends the rules. In that courtroom above the clouds as painted recently in Cameroon by the Holy Father Pope Leo, titles disappear, entourages vanish, and every ruler including leaders of the Church must answer the same question:

“What did you do with the lives entrusted to you?”

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

6, May 2026

Cavayé Yéguié Djibril: both a builder and a barrier ⁰

The passing of Cavayé Yéguié Djibril at the age of 86 marks more than the death of a man; it signals the fading of a political era that shaped modern Cameroon for over three decades.

For 34 years, Djibril presided over the National Assembly, a tenure unmatched in the country’s history and rare across the continent. From his election to the speakership in 1992 to his removal in March 2026, his authority became synonymous with institutional continuity—some would say stability, others stagnation.

An editorial assessment of his life must begin with this central fact: Djibril was not merely a parliamentary figure; he was an embodiment of the political order that crystallized under President Paul Biya. Loyal, durable, and unyielding, he represented a system in which longevity was both a credential and a shield. His career stretched from the single-party state into the multiparty era, yet the essence of governance changed little under his watch.

There is, undeniably, a case for respect. Djibril rose from modest beginnings in the Far North to become one of the most powerful figures in the republic. He mastered the mechanics of survival in a demanding political environment and ensured that the National Assembly remained a predictable pillar of state authority. In a region often marked by volatility, such predictability has its defenders.

But respect must not obscure reality. Under Djibril, the legislature seldom fulfilled its potential as a counterweight to executive power. Critics long argued that the Assembly became ceremonial—more a chamber of endorsement than of scrutiny. This perception hardened during moments of national strain, particularly the Anglophone crisis, when parliament failed to emerge as a forum for meaningful national dialogue.

In that sense, Djibril’s legacy is inseparable from the limitations of the institution he led. He did not merely preside over a subdued parliament; he became its defining feature. Stability, in his hands, often meant silence.

The timing of his death adds a poignant, almost symbolic dimension. Removed from office after decades of apparent permanence, he died mere weeks later—a reminder that even the most entrenched political figures are ultimately subject to the same abrupt transitions they often resist.

Cameroon now finds itself at a generational crossroads. Djibril’s passing, alongside the recent departure of other long-serving figures, underscores a slow but unavoidable shift in the country’s political architecture. Whether that shift leads to renewal or merely reconfiguration remains uncertain.

In the end, Djibril leaves behind a paradox. He was both a builder and a barrier: a man who sustained institutions, yet one who, in the eyes of many, prevented them from evolving. His life invites neither simple praise nor outright condemnation, but a sober reckoning.

By Rita Akana

Yaoundé Bureau Chief

Cameroon Concord News Group