In under a month, two African dictators have been brought down by mass protests. Algeria’s Abdelaziz Bouteflika, 82, and Sudan’s Omar Al-Bashir, 75, resigned after massive protests. Bouteflika had ruled Algeria for 30 years and was seeking re-election amidst declining health, while Al-Bashir had been at the helm of Sudan since 1989. These events have focused attention on long-serving dictators in Africa and how this wave might affect their political futures. Amongst them is Cameroon’s Paul Biya.

At 85, he has ruled Cameroon for 36 years and was recently declared winner in a hotly contested election that saw now detained opposition leader Maurice Kamto, declaring himself winner. There are striking similarities amongst the African dictatorships that have recently been toppled such as Gambia, Zimbabwe, Algeria and Sudan. These governments are characterized by huge deficits including dictatorship, long rule, abuse of institutions, poverty, corruption, and youth unemployment. These indicators are very present in Cameroon under the Biya regime and have implanted acute feelings of dissatisfaction, frustration and inertia triggering pockets of protest, resistance and rebellion across the country. Recent events in the country contain all the telltale signs of a regime in decline and a failing environment.

For a long time Paul Biya has relied on the usual dictatorial tactics to maintain his stranglehold on the country; ethnic divisions, brutal military crackdown on dissenters, arrest and imprisonment of opposition leaders, keeping a close college of cronies, most of whom are from his region of origin and have remained blind loyalists. Those that have shown signs of wavering have been quickly thrown in prison. Loyalists make dictators. Because above all else, the sustaining element of dictatorships is the willingness of a cross-section of the oppressed to not just acquiesce but to actively seek the oppression of all others. Biya has shrewdly eschewed a military coup, especially after the April 1984 attempt failed, by neutralizing the power of the military through the creation of several independent military and paramilitary bodies with him as the only centralized commander. In addition, the military, across its ranks is made up of members of his ethnic group.

The uncertainty of where power resides makes it difficult to stage a coordinated takeover. Following the October 7, 2018 presidential election, supporters of the leading opposition party, Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM) staged peaceful demonstrations protesting election results and the government’s handling of the ongoing socio-political crisis plaguing the country’s two English speaking regions. The leader of the CRM and presidential candidate, Maurice Kamto was arrested and has been in detention alongside 131 supporters. In the meantime, he has been charged with rebellion, inciting insurrection, offence against the president of the republic and treason amongst others. Charges which if found guilty, he and his supporters will be facing the death penalty. All forms of anti-regime demonstrations are immediately banned in the country ensuring and fostering a system in which there is no space for democratic expression.

The government and its supporters have attempted to downplay demonstrations by CRM as a parochial group of people from the Western region of the country, lacking nationwide support, but who want to muzzle their way into power. The fallout has been the increase in hate speech and tribalism, especially on social media with supporters of Biya and Kamto referring to each other as ‘sardinards’ and ‘tontinard’, respectively. These two derogatory appellations which have gained widespread use are interpreted to mean Biya supporters are a selfish bunch who vote based on receiving cans of sardines, while tontinards means Kamto’s supporters as miserly and cheap. This trend of ‘us’ against ‘them’ has bled through the country manifesting in the description of Anglophones as “Biafrans” and “Ambazonians”, and Northerners as “Sheep”.

This is a country disintegrating on the crucible of hate speech and ethnicity. Perhaps one of the early signs of a crack in the government of Biya is the new trend of leaks of sensitive and classified documents. Because the government has a long history of withholding information from the public, the recent upsurge in leaks is indicative of fault lines within the government ranks. Just over a week ago, classified documents were leaked detailing the president’s planned sojourn to Switzerland and the accompanying security details. Hitherto, this would have been majorly unheard of, and its occurrence now signals a lot. No other happening right now spells more trouble for the Biya reign than the ongoing crisis in the English speaking regions of the country. The crisis is caused by Anglophone perceptions of over 57 years of marginalization by the two successive francophone-led governments. The Anglophone regions voted to join the French speaking side in 1961 in a federation.

Anglophones have over the years complaint about the abrogation of the terms of the union including the dismantling of the federal system and the destruction and neglect of pristine Anglophone culture and institutions such as the English common law system and the Anglophone educational system and the underrepresentation of Anglophones in government. These grievances have bulged into calls for outright secession to create the putative state of Ambazonia. The government’s reaction to the Anglophone protest was characterized by military clampdown and what has been described as imposition of measures and solutions on the protesters. Essentially, the government has failed to productively handle the grievances leading to armed resistance.

The crisis has dealt a severe blow on the country’s economy with thousands being internally displaced, with over half a million refugees in Nigeria, hundreds have been killed and education has been halted in many areas in the Anglophones regions by separatist militia. This crisis poses a serious existential threat to the country as a whole but more so to the longevity of the Biya reign. And this is largely due to its economic impact. Though Cameroon is not officially classified as a fragile state by the World Bank, it contains all the indicators including weak institutional coping capacity to withstand external shocks, pressures and risks; it is facing violent conflicts, high unemployment, corruption and embezzlement, poor health and educational infrastructure etc.

Quite frankly, the economic threat posed by the Anglophone crisis is what might just tip the country over to open mayhem. It can be argued that the reason why there is still an uneasy stability in the country is because it has not been completely tethered economically. Cameroonians can still afford basic needs and daily food but the prices of basic commodities are on a steady rise especially with the stall of free-flow of economic activities and products from many parts of the English speaking regions. In 2008, the country witnessed a nationwide strike due to hikes in fuel prices. This is indicative, and the government should understand this by now, that it would be brought to its knees by economic pressures as prices of commodities continue to soar.

The state-owned agro-industrial corporation, the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), is operating at below 10% of its capacity, losing billions as a result of attacks by separatists on their operations. CDC is one of the major employers in the country and the loss in production capacity has led to non-payment of salaries and arrears and general disgruntlement. It is only a matter of time before separatist block the flow of oil from the southwest region of the country as they have attempted and sometimes succeeded with other produce like timber. Blocking the flow of oil will paralyze the entire CEMAC zone which is dependent on the country’s oil refinery, SONARA. It is clear that the key strategy of separatists is to attack state institutions, stall their functioning, strain the government economically and then bring it to its knees.

Clearly, the government still survives because the crisis in the Anglophone regions and the protests in other regions like those spearheaded by opposition leaders have not been able to coalesce into a nationwide protest. However, with the current trend of economic decline, it is only a matter of time before economic disgruntlement matures into popular uprising. The trigger at that time, like in Sudan, might be something which a notoriously complacent regime would consider insignificant, such as bread.

Culled from Face2face Africa

A week after the fall of Sudan’s long-time President Omar al-Bashir, a huge crowd has converged in the streets of the capital, demanding the country’s transitional military council hand over power to civilians.

Hundreds of thousands of people packed the streets outside the defense ministry in Khartoum on Thursday, chanting “Civilian rule, civilian rule.”

Protesters waving national flags were also chanting “Freedom and revolution are the choice of the people.”

“We will remain in the street until power is handed to civilian authority,” said 24-year-old protester Samia Abdallah. “We will bring down military rule.”

Demonstrators joined a sit-in protest that began early this month outside an army complex, which houses the president’s residence and the defense ministry — the culmination of 16 weeks of protests which initially erupted on December 19, 2018, in the face of a government decision to triple the price of bread.

The protests finally led to Bashir being ousted and arrested after almost three decades in power.

The ten-man military council, which has taken power, announced a two-year transition period to civilian rule. The council has also promised to work with Bashir opponents and opposition groups to form an interim civilian government.

“We are completely committed to handing over power within a maximum two years,” one of the members of the council, Lieutenant General Salah Abdelkhalek said on Thursday.

“Perhaps the most difficult issue facing the military council now through its political committee is getting agreement from the political spectrum and the community forces on the naming of a prime minister,” Abdelkhalek said. “The ball is in their court.”

This is while Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have announced their backing for the transitional military council.

Chairman of Sudan’s Transitional Military Council Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan on Tuesday praised Sudan’s distinguished relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE), official SUNA news agency reported.

Burhan, who is known for his ties to the Saudi kingdom, met with a joint delegation from Riyadh and Abu Dhabi this week, and received a verbal message from their leaders.

The council’s spokesman said on Thursday that the undersecretary at Sudan’s foreign ministry had been dismissed for preparing for the visit of a delegation from Qatar, the regional rival of Riyadh and Abu Dhabi.

Spokesman Shams El Din Kabbashi said the ministry had made the statement without consulting the council.

Analysts warn that both Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are striving to influence the transition process by backing the military council.

Saudi Arabia and the UAE had cultivated close ties with Bashir before his ouster and were reportedly exhorting him to forge relations with Israel. 

With protests raging in Sudan, however, the London-based Middle East Eye reported in March that the head of Mossad had met his Sudanese counterpart in Germany as part of a secret plan by Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE to oust Bashir. 

Source: Presstv

African countries have had their fair share of long-serving leaders but, if the past decade is anything to go by, this trend is about to come to a crashing halt.

In what has now come to be referred to as ‘Africa Rising,’ the continent is slowly awakening and realizing that they can do – and deserve – better.

It all started in January 2012 with the ouster of former Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade following a 12-year rule.

Wade, now 93 years of age, had been president since 2000. His rule, however, drew criticism from the opposition who accused him of breaching rules for candidacy in an election.

Then came former Burkina Faso President Blaise Compaore whose 27-year-rule came to an end in 2014 following violent protests.

Afterwards, one of Africa’s most controversial and longest serving leaders — Robert Mugabe — on November 21, 2017, bowed to the pressure of a military takeover and the humiliation of impeachment.A

It was the culmination of an extraordinary week in the history of Zimbabwe that began when the country’s military leaders staged an unprecedented intervention to prevent the ascent to power of Mugabe’s 52-year-old wife, Grace.

Only recently – on April 2, 2019 — Algeria’s ailing former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika resigned, succumbing to six weeks of largely peaceful mass protests driven by youth and pressure from the powerful army against his 20-year rule.

Then on Thursday April 11, 2019, President Omar al-Bashir’s grip on Sudan came tumbling after he was visited by the heads of his four main security apparatuses who told him “there was no alternative” but for him to step down.

Bashir’s exit brings the ouster of long-serving African presidents to 5.

Here are the remaining ones whom, if this trend continues, should be scared out of their wits:

Cameroon President Paul Biya

Biya,86, is widely considered the longest serving leader in Africa and has been President of Cameroon since November 6, 1982.

He rose rapidly as under former President Ahmadou Ahidjo, serving as Secretary-General of the Presidency from 1968 to 1975 and then as Prime Minister of Cameroon from 1975 to 1982.

He succeeded Ahidjo as president upon the latter’s surprise resignation in 1982 and consolidated power in a 1983–1984 staged attempted coup during which he, according to Wikipedia, “eliminated all his rivals.”

Equatorial Guinea President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo

Obiang ousted his uncle, Francisco Macías Nguema, in an August 1979 military coup and has led Equatorial Guinea ever since.

His rule was at first considered more humane than that of his uncle but he has since been accused of becoming increasingly brutal.

Congo-Brazzaville President Denis Sassou Nguesso

President Nguesso has spent 34 years in office, having first served from 1979 to 1992 before returning in 1997 at the end of a civil war. He was then re-elected in March 2016.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni

Museveni was involved in rebellions that toppled notorious Ugandan leaders Idi Amin (1971–79) and Milton Obote (1980–85) before capturing power in the 1986.

His rule has, over the past recent years, come under heavy scrutiny with Ugandan musician-turned-politician Bobi Wine saying he will challenge Museveni for the top seat in the 2021 elections.

Chadian President Idriss Deby

President Deby took over the mantle of power in in 1990. He continues to rule to date after winning a disputed fifth term in April 2016, giving him nearly 29 years in power.

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki

Afwerki is the first President of Eritrea, a position he has held since its independence in 1993. He has, as of date, ruled for 26 years.

Culled from Citizentv

Algeria’s parliament on Tuesday confirmed Abdelkader Bensalah as the new interim president of the country, following lat week’s resignation by the ailing Abdelaziz Bouteflika.

Bouteflika’s resignation, fuelled by protests that have lasted over a month, means Algeria has a new president for the first time in 20 years.

In this article, we profile the new president, who protesters have insisted is equally unfit to govern the North African nation.

It’s a great responsibility that the constitution demands of me.

President-in-Waiting

Bensalah is a seasoned establishment insider who has a track record of stepping in for his veteran predecessor.

Bensalah has served as a lawmaker, ambassador, civil servant and senator, but it is his role as upper house speaker which paved the way for his appointment to the presidency.

Like Bouteflika, the interim president was also a young veteran of Algeria’s independence struggle.

In recent years he has often stepped in at home and abroad for Bouteflika, who has rarely been seen in public since a 2013 stroke, last month taking Algeria’s seat at the Arab League summit in neighbouring Tunisia.

But such a close alliance with his predecessor has also seen 77-year-old Bensalah targeted by protesters, who on Tuesday gathered in their thousands in Algiers to oppose his appointment.

Bensalah’s life before politics

While his 17 years as parliamentary speaker build on a lengthy political career, Bensalah initially took a different path.

Following Algerian independence in 1962, Bensalah won a scholarship to study law in the Syrian capital Damascus and returned home five years later.

He joined an Arabic-language national newspaper and spent around a decade working for state media—including stints as a foreign correspondent—before being elected to parliament in 1977.

A skilled politician

Bensalah’s political career also took on an international dimension. He chaired the lower chamber’s foreign affairs commission for 10 years and went on to serve as an ambassador to Saudi Arabia and a foreign ministry spokesman.

“Making himself useful at the right time is what he knows how to do, he who rarely speaks on issues related to the management of state affairs,” Algerian daily El Watan wrote in 2015.

After returning to national politics, Bensalah was nominated speaker by Bouteflika in 2002 and has been re-elected every three years since.

The holder of the position is tasked with taking over the presidency in case of resignation, death or an impediment such as long-term illness.

“It’s a great responsibility that the constitution demands of me,” Bensalah told parliament as he began his 90-day interim presidency.

On the streets of Algiers, the scale of the challenge facing him was evident as protesters chanted: “Bensalah go away!”

Despite facing tear gas and water cannon, the students continued to rally against their new president and the political system which he has served for decades.

AFP

On 1 March, in the case between 12 Cameroonian separatist leaders and the Federal Government of Nigeria, Justice Anwuli Chikere of the Federal High Court in Abuja ruled that the forced deportation of the 12 leaders and 39 other Anglophones from Taraba State was illegal and unconstitutional.

The judge said that irrespective of whether they posed a threat to the Nigerian state or not, the Federal Government did not follow due process and thus violated both the Nigerian constitution and articles 32 and 33 of the UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.

Stating that their human rights were violated, Justice Chikere ordered their return to Nigeria. He also decided the government should pay compensation of ₦5-million each to the 12 and ₦200 000 each to the 39 other deportees. The 12 are leaders of the self-proclaimed independent territory of Ambazonia, an outlawed territory in Cameroon’s mostly Anglophone regions, where some English-speaking residents seek to restore what was formerly British Southern Cameroons.

While seeking refuge in Nigeria, the individuals, including their leader Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe, were seized in January 2018 at the Nera Hotel in Abuja and extradited to Cameroon. The UN, particularly the UN High Commission for Refugees, which had records of the 12 as refugees and asylees, strongly condemned the act and called for their return. After being held incommunicado for over 10 months in Cameroon, they are now on trial before a Yaoundé military tribunal for terrorism-related crimes.

The ruling has given new impetus to the hotly contested issue. Legally, justice seems to have been served but politically, the implications are unclear. There is a need to closely examine the legality of the court’s ruling, to ascertain what it means in practice. Can the court compel the Nigerian government to enforce the ruling? Will the Cameroon government heed the court’s decision by releasing the leaders?

As it stands, there is no extradition treaty between the two countries. This is contrary to Cameroon’s communication minister Issa Tchiroma’s argument that the arrest and transfer of the 12 from Nigeria to Cameroon conformed with the law. He cited three security accords signed by Cameroon and Nigeria in 1963 and 1972 which, although not extradition treaties, define rules of cooperation in matters of security between the two countries.

Inasmuch as the ruling censures the Federal Government of Nigeria, it does present options to resolve the deepening armed conflict in the two English-speaking North West and South West regions. Anglophone militias in these areas are battling pro-regime soldiers in their quest to separate and establish a new country. These Anglophone separatists want emancipation from the French-dominated Cameroon.

The separatists will no doubt expect some reaction from the government of Cameroon to the court’s ruling. If the Paul Biya administration were to ignore an overture from the Nigerian government to return the deportees, and find the deportees guilty of terrorism – which could include the death penalty – this could escalate tensions. It would mark a turning point for the conflict and a missed opportunity for restoring peace in the country.

Although capital punishment is a far-fetched outcome, a guilty verdict is not an unlikely scenario. This is a country where state authority remains heavily centralised in the executive branch, and legislative decision making is often opaque and without consultation. This is evident in the government’s unilaterally designed conflict mitigation strategies, such as the creation of a Bilingualism Committee in response to the perceived linguistic marginalisation of the English-speaking regions.

Similarly, government created the ill-fitted National Committee for Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration. The committee has been unable to make inroads in disarming militants, many of whom have shown no signs of surrendering their arms without dialogue.

These government initiatives don’t reflect a real analysis of the root causes of the current crisis. Linguistic marginalisation is a simplistic explanation that belies the decades-long exploitation of citizens by the ruling elite, who depend solely on patronage. Even more troubling have been government actions to vilify Anglophone communities in the wake of the crisis, and the failure to hold security services accountable for attacks on civilians.

Cameroon’s government could instead use the Nigerian court’s ruling as an opportunity to start a process of national reconciliation. Having suffered setbacks in its legitimacy, government could restore trust and social cohesion with citizens by prioritising peace building rather than state-building.

By heeding the Abuja High Court ruling and repatriating the 12 leaders who are seen by their followers as the legitimate brokers of peace in any dialogue process, chances are the Cameroonian leadership can set a new course towards stability.

It could capitalise on the faction of Anglophone ‘federalists’ who hope for a return to the former federal system of government without the structural exploitation and under-development of the two Anglophone regions by the Francophone political centre of power. This has been at the heart of the ‘Anglophone problem’.

The process of finding a durable solution would ideally be facilitated by the international community through the UN. Central to such a dialogue and reconciliation process will be a commitment to holding both separatists and security forces responsible for crimes committed against innocent civilians. It must also provide justice for the thousands who have been killed, and redress for those rendered homeless due to the burning of their villages, resulting in the massive exodus into Nigeria in the first place.

Source: Polity.org

Algeria army chief says the presidency should be declared vacant the latest move in efforts to get ailing president Abdul Aziz Bouteflika to leave office.

Chief of Staff Gaid Salah’s call is thus seeking the application of article 102 of the constitution which stipulates that a president can be removed from office if he is unable to execute his duties.

His address was carried by the El-Bilad TV network as he addressed top military officers. Political watchers hold that it could be the main reason that Bouteflika could be forced to resign.

“The solution that must be adopted to end the crisis and answer the legitimate demands of the Algerian people is the solution that guarantees the sovereignty of the constitution and the continuity of the state,” Gaid Salah stressed.

The North African country has for months now been roiled by anti-government protests demanding the immediate resignation of Bouteflika at a time he was preparing to contest in April polls.

Under mounting pressure, the president announced earlier this month that he was not going to contest in the polls but that he was going to remain in charge till his successor was chosen.

Source: Africa News

Hundreds of thousands of Algerians took the street of the capital Algiers on Friday, to demand the immediate resignation of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika.

The protesters are taking a stand after the country’s president announced that he would withdraw his bid for a fifth term in office but stopped short of stepping down, delaying the country’s presidential elections slated for April 18.

Bouteflika’s announcement came following weeks of mass demonstrations against his re-election bid and alleged plans to extend his 20-year rule.

Presstv

n September 2017, lawmakers from Uganda’s ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), President Yoweri Museveni’s party, introduced a bill to abolish a constitutional provision that bars anyone 75 or older from running for president.

Two years on, the same lawmakers have unanimously endorsed the president to continue his tenure. If approved by the National Executive Committee and the National Delegates’ Conference, the endorsement would mean Museveni at 74 years old and already in power for 33 years, would seek a record sixth re-election in the upcoming general elections in 2021.

In one word, there is a possibility Museveni could become president for life. This is nothing new, it is a recurring trend and has been the case in several African countries.

Together with Museveni, two other African heads of state have ruled for over three decades each. These include Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo in Equatorial Guinea and Paul Biya of Cameroon.

They could have been five but in 2017, Angolan President Jose Eduardo dos Santos stepped down after thirty-eight years in office, and in November of that year, Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe was forced from office after thirty-seven years by a military coup.

In addition, more than a dozen other African heads of state have been in power for at least ten years, such as Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Burundi’s Pierre Nkurunziza. While in the northern part of the African continent, the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria is being governed by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who has been in power since 1999.

After the announcement of his candidacy for a fifth presidential term last month, nationwide protests broke out in the capital city of Algiers. Weeks of protests and nationwide demonstrations in the country have pushed the long-time leader to drop his plans of running for another term. However, he remains in office and protests have continued, with calls for him to resign immediately.

Bouteflika suffered from a stroke in 2013, has been in a wheelchair since then and is frequently hospitalized. However, his desire to hold on to power has not weakened.

These long reigns in the countries highlighted reflect a common problem throughout Africa; the region is home to many of the world’s longest-ruling heads of state.

Military coups were once common as a means to seize power, with both Mbasogo and Museveni entering their presidencies this way. However, they have declined during the last two decades – there were twenty-seven successful coups from 1970 to 1982, but only twelve from 2000 to 2012, and just the one against Mugabe since then.

Now, despite laws prohibiting presidents from holding power for so long, many of these leaders secure longer terms by proposing amendments and eventually changing their constitutions in a bid to get additional terms in office – an act described as “constitutional coups.”

As a result, democratic societies in the African continent are stuck with ageing leaders or family dynasties who cling to power through fraudulent elections or constitutional changes forced on their people.

The popularity and widespread practice of entrenched leadership in Africa propel corruption, instability, societal fractures, stagnant economies and democratic backsliding. Zimbabwe, Sudan and now Algeria are just some of the notable examples that come to mind.

Refusal by African heads of state to step down at the appointed time has had devastating consequences and correlates with developmental, economic and security challenges in the countries affected.

Although some African countries with long-serving leaders such as Liberia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia and Sierra Leone have recorded democratic victories and regime change recently. Albeit elsewhere on the continent, leaders continue to disregard their countries’ own constitutions and laws governing presidential tenure, despite actions from regional and international bodies.

Separating African leaders from the addiction to power is an ongoing struggle, and there appears to be no end in sight.

Source: Venturesafrica

A senior leader of Algeria’s ruling FLN Party says President Abdelaziz Bouteflika is “history now,” in another sign that the party is potentially embracing the cause of the recent widespread protests against the long-time president.

Bouteflika on Monday abandoned a decision to seek a fifth term amid weeks of mass rallies, but he canceled the upcoming election without setting a new date, prompting accusations that he was plotting new “tricks” and sparking a new round of protests.

On the eve of the first Friday protests since Bouteflika’s announcement, Hocine Kheldoun, a former spokesman for the FLN, said in an interview with Ennahar television that the party had to look ahead and take sides with the anti-Bouteflika protesters.

Kheldoun’s remarks late on Thursday were another major setback for Bouteflika as several other senior FLN officials had already broken ranks with him publicly.

On Friday, thousands of protesters gathered in the center of the capital, Algiers, demanding Bouteflika to step down. Some of the demonstrators shouted “FLN, go!” during the protest, signifying that they are not just dissatisfied with the president but with the party long associated with him as well.

“Those who think we are tired are wrong. Our protests will not stop,” said the 37-year-old protester Madjid Benzida, who was attending the protest.

Anti-government protests first erupted in Algeria on February 22 over Bouteflika’s bid to extend his 20-year rule. The demonstrators demanded a new era with younger leaders who would offer greater social freedoms and prosperity.

‘Game over!’

Algerians have barely seen their ailing 82-year-old president since he suffered a stroke in 2013, and demonstrators are also angry about corruption and secrecy in Algeria’s power structure.

A former minister, who is familiar with Bouteflika’s inner circle, said the president could not survive the pressure building against him.

“Game over! Bouteflika has no choice but to quit now,” the former minister anonymously told Reuters.

Presstv