12, August 2020
Grading Nigeria’s Response to the Conflict in the Republic of Cameroon 0
Nigeria’s indifference to the separatist conflict in Cameroon—in which its minority English-speaking people (Anglophones) are seeking for a homeland they call Ambazonia —calls for a searing indictment. Apparently because of Boko Haram’s menace, Nigeria, which was once the destination for persons fleeing political persecution all over the African continent, has become inhospitable in recent years.
In 2018, in an extraordinary rendition scheme—since condemned by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees and other countries—Nigeria arrested on its home territory, and subsequently deported to Cameroon, 47 Ambazonian activists, including former Ambazonia interim leader Sisiku Ayuk Tabe, who is presently serving a life sentence in Cameroon’s prison.
If Nigeria’s revulsion at the current Cameroon’s Anglophones’ aspiration for independence stems from the horrors of its 1967-1970 civil war—in which more than one million of its citizens died after Biafra, the short-lived republic, declared itself independent from Nigeria—then that argument is short-sighted for one reason: Timing.
Biafra’s secession, which was declared just seven years after Nigeria obtained independence from Great Britain, lacked the traction for success, because it was out of tune with the mood at that moment, which was for Nigeria’s ethnic and linguistic groups—as it was for other African countries emerging from years under colonial rule with similar characteristics —to merge and form the new republic.
It helps explain why General Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s military head of state at the time, was able to marshal every available asset, including the United States’ “One Nigeria” policy under President Lyndon Johnson, to crush the Biafra secession. (A similar fate befell Katanga and South Kasai, two breakaway provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC), where, just weeks into its independence in June 1960, they also declared themselves “independent” from DRC, sparking a raging civil war that led to an end to their secessionist status.)
But if Biafra’s bid for independence collapsed —to validate my argument that the circumstances differ from the current conflict in Cameroon—because of its inauspicious timing, Anglophones’ yearning for nationhood (roused almost sixty years after failed attempts at creating an egalitarian federalism between them and Francophone-Cameroon) comes on the heels of other pro-independence movements in Africa and elsewhere in the world—South Sudan, Eritrea, East Timor, Macedonia—that have mostly been successful.
Nigeria’s frontline state status and its historical ties to Anglophones—up until October 1961 Anglophones were part of Nigeria—call for the former to bring on its diplomatic juggernaut to bear (as its previously done over other hotspots around Africa) on the current conflict, paving a way for a negotiated settlement. Its less inspiring commitment to this role further raises another question, which is whether Nigeria no longer acts—as it once did—as the massive rampart against French influence in West Africa.
Keeping the French at bay in this region has historically been one of Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives. And at the heart of this conflict lies French influence, which dates back to 1972, when “Total”, a French oil company, began operations in the Anglophone region.
That same year— over concerns that without a strong unitary system of government in place, its oil interests in the Anglophone region lacked the needed protection—France coerced Ahmadou Ahidjo, Cameroon’s head of state at the time, into abolishing the federal system of government then existing between Anglophones and Francophone-Cameroon, a decision that Anglophones felt was a betrayal, and whose consequences loom over the current conflict.
When Jaja Wachuku, Nigeria’s first Foreign Minister, spoke at the United Nations in October 1961 about his country being “independent in everything but neutral in nothing that affects the destiny of Africa”, and Yakubu Gowon (speaking at an OAU Conference in Mogadishu, Somalia, in 1974) about “the inalienable right to self-determination; the necessity for decent life; and the unquestionable demand for human dignity”, they were apparently making references to these French machinations that have, to an extent, contributed to this conflict in Cameroon.
But at their hour of peril, when they needed Nigeria for guidance, Nigeria, it seems, deserted the Anglophones.
By Joseph M. Ndifor



















12, August 2020
French Cameroun had 58 years for unity with Ambazonia, but opted to make costly mistakes 0
The Ambazonia Interim Government says Biya and his French Cameroun political elites had more than four decades to initiate their so-called one and indivisible concept with the people of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia, but successive French Cameroun regimes failed to take advantage and instead directed Biya to make the worst of mistakes in declaring war against Southern Cameroonians.
Vice President Dabney Yerima made the remarks on Wednesday in response to recent report on French Cameroun media houses blaming the killing of a woman in Muyuka in the Fako County on Ambazonia Restoration Forces.
The exiled Southern Cameroons leader said Ambazonia Intelligence Services have evidence that Atanga Nji Boys with strong ties to the family of the Muyuka woman’s husband carried out the killing.
The Ambazonian official also dismissed French Cameroun’s claims as a mere ploy to divert attention from the brutal murder of Engineer Tangem Thomas in the Yaoundé Central Hospital adding that Biya and French Cameroun will not achieve their military goals in Southern Cameroons.
“Both Ahmadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya had more than four decades to initiate a policy that would have guaranteed unity by choosing the right and legal path agreed in Foumban in 1961. Not only they failed to do so, but Biya also made the worst mistakes of French Cameroun in decades to declare war against the people of Southern Cameroons” Yerima told the Ambazonia war cabinet on Tuesday.
Elsewhere, the Communication and Media Chairman for the defense team of President Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and other Southern Cameroonian detainees has appointed Barrister Pekum Emmanuel as their Special envoy to Nkambe to represent the Interim Government on the occasion of the burial of Nganyu Thomas Tangem martyred in French Cameroun on August 05, 2020.
Barrister Pekum Emmanuel is bearer of a sealed message from President Sisiku Ayuk Tabe to the people of Nkambe and to the family of the late Thomas Tangem, the emblematic martyr of the struggle for the restoration of the independence of the statehood of the former British trust territory- the Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia.
By Chi Prudence Asong