Cameroon presents a compelling case of the complexities surrounding civil- military relations and the democratization process in post-colonial African states. Since independence in 1960, the country has experienced extended one- party rule, contested multiparty reforms beginning in the 1990s, and recurrent tensions between the central government in Yaoundé and various ethnic, regional, and political actors. A key, yet under-mined, dimension of this political trajectory is the role of the ethnic character of the army and how it has functioned as an obstacle to democratic deepening and political liberalization. This article argues that the ethnic configuration of Cameroon’s military establishment has been a significant hindrance to democratization by reinforcing patrimonial state structures, undermining civilian authority, and inhibiting the development of inclusive national institutions. While the literature on ethnic armies and coups in Africa (e.g., Harkness 2006) offers valuable frameworks, Cameroon’s experience highlights how ethnic dynamics within the army interacts with politics, neopatrimonialism, and sociopolitical fragmentation to impede democratic consolidation.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: ETHNICITY, STATE FORMATION, AND THE MILITARY IN CAMEROON

Cameroon’s colonial history-first German under German rule (1884-1916), produced divergence administrative legacies. These legacies have shaped post- independence identities and political structures. The reunification of British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon in 1961 created a state with significant linguistic and regional cleavages, most notably between Anglophone and Francophone communities. Overtime, these divisions have been translated into political competition and grievances. The Cameroon Armed Forces (Forces Armees Camerounaise, FAC) were establishment under French colonial influence, with early officer corps dominated by recruits from northern and Francophone elite network. This pattern of recruitment contributed to perceptions of the military as an instrument of the dominant political bloc rather than a neutral, national institution. As President Ahmadou Ahidjo consolidated power in the 1960s and 1970s, he used patronage and co-optation to secure the military’s loyalty, embedding ethnic and regional loyalty within military structures. Under Paul Biya, who succeeded Ahidjo in 1982, the military remained an essential pillar of regime survival. Biya’s early purges of Ahidjo loyalists-including army officers from northern and Muslim communities-reinforced the perception of the military as an arena of factional competition. Instead of fostering professionalization and national coherence, the army became increasingly tied to the President’s personal networks and loyalist ethnic/regional blocs, especially those linked to the Beti-Ewondo group from the Centre and South regions. This pattern has important implications for democratization, as outlined below.

A. UNDERMINING CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY

A core prerequisite for democratization is the establishment of civilian supremacy over the armed forces. In Cameroon, the military’s recruitment patterns and internal hierarchies have often reflected ethnic and regional dominance rather than meritocratic professionalism. The privileging of officers from ethnic networks has created informal power centers within the army that are interconnected with ruling party elites. In turn, this undermines the capacity of democratic institutions-parliaments, courts, political parties-to exercise meaningful oversight over security forces. When the military is perceived as loyal to certain elite factions rather than to the constitutional order, it obedience to civilian authority becomes contingent. This conditional obedience weakens democratic accountability and allows the executive to wield the army as a tool of political coercion rather than national defense. An example to substantiate this point was the post election violence that ensued after the proclamation of the October 11, 2025, presidential election result. Several Cameroonians were killed and many were incarcerated by the regime.

B. REINFORCING NEOPATRIMONIALISM AND ELITE DOMINATION

Ethnicized military structures compliment broader neopatrimonial state practices in Cameroon, where political power is centralized around the presidency and distributed through patronage networks. Senior military appointments, promotions, and postings are often used as rewards to loyalists from key ethnic constituencies particularly in the centre and south regions of Cameroon. This practice not only marginalizes other groups but also embeds the military within the executive’s patrimonial rent-seeking apparatus. Accordingly rather than serving as a professional force capable of defending democratic norms and institutions, the army operates as another arena of elite competition and patronage distribution. This undermines the development of autonomous democratic actors and reinforces centralized, authoritarian governance.

C.PERPETUATING ETHNIC AND REGIONAL CLEAVAGES

The ethnicisation of the army has also had indirect but powerful effects on national unity. By privileging certain ethnic groups within military hierarchies, the states reinforce broader social perceptions of exclusion among marginalized communities. This has been particularly salient in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions where perceptions of exclusion from political power and state institutions-including security forces-have fueled long-running grievances and conflict. This dynamics complicate democratization by generating cycles of mistrust, resistance, and militarized dissent. Instead of inclusive dialogue and political participation, dispute over representation and identity are increasingly securitized-a pattern antithetical to democratic deepening.

D.REIFORCING EVIDENCE FROM COMPARATIVE SCHOLARSHIP

The argument that ethnic armies can impede democratization resonates with broader comparative research. Scholars such as Kristen Harkness have shown that the ethnic structuring of security forces in Africa is associated with recurring coups and democratic fragility, as leaders manipulate military composition to secure political survival. In the Cameroon’s case why the military has not staged a successful coup since the early years of independence, its embeddedness within patronage and ethnic networks has nonetheless served a similar stabilizing-yet-anti-democratic function. Rather than challenging the executive through coups, the army’s loyalty is instrumentalized to suppress dissent, reinforce the ruling elite’s dominance, and marginalize alternative political voices. This pattern underscores the need to broaden the concepts of coups to include other forms of military interference that undermine democratic processes.

E. COUNTER ARGUMENTS AND LIMITATIONS

A potential counter argument is that Cameroon’s military has largely abstained from direct political takeover, suggesting a degree of professionalism or restraint inconsistent with ethnicisation. However, this perspective overlooks how the army’s alignment with the incumbent regime functions as a direct impediment to democratization. This absence of coups does not equate to democratic health if military is used to suppress opposition, intimidate civil society, or entrench executive power. Another critic is that ethnic considerations within the army are overstated related to other factors, such as economic incentives, global geopolitics, or institutional weakness. While these factors are undeniably significant, the ethnic dimension in Cameroon amplifies and intersects with them, intensifying the obstacles to democratic reforms.

F. POLICY AND REFORM IMPLICATIONS

It should be worth mentioning that, addressing the impediment of ethnicised military structures requires:

1- A Security Sector Reform (SSR) that prioritizes meritocratic recruitment, transparent promotion systems, and professional training.

2- The reawakening of institutional oversight mechanisms, including strengthening parliamentary committees on defense and ensuring budgetary transparency.

3- The convening of a National Dialogue on inclusion, particularly addressing grievances in Anglophone regions to mitigate the ongoing crisis for close to a decade today and expanding representation within the security forces.

These reforms, while politically challenging, are essential for decoupling the military from elite-ethnic patronage dynamics and enabling democratic consolidation.

CONCLUSION

Using the failed coup attempt in April 1984, to his advantage, Biya then moved forward with discriminatory hiring and promotion policies of his own, within both the civilian government and the military. Over the course of his reign, which continues today, southerners have come to dominate both politics and military (Minority Rights Group 2010). In particular, members of Biya’s southern Bulu group, as well as members of the closely related Beti group, disproportionately hold key positions in the military. Stability was thus re-achieved through renewed ethnic matching policies. Cameroon’s experience demonstrates that ethnicised military structures can constitute a significant obstacle to democratization. By undermining civilian control, reinforcing neopatrimonialism, and perpetuating ethnic cleavages, the army has not only failed to support democratic deepening but has actively sustained authoritarian resilience. Understanding the specific ways in which ethnic dynamics shape civil-military relations is very crucial for both scholarship and policy aimed at fostering democratic transition in Cameroon in particular and across Africa in general

Dr. TARH NTANTANG is the Founder/CEO of Ntantang Research and Consulting Centre (NRCC) in Yaoundé-Cameroon. He is a policy expert and practitioner in democratic support, peace building, and governance with over a decade of experience across Africa. He holds a doctorate in political Economy at the University of Yaoundé 1 and a certified climate migration scholar at York University, Toronto, Canada.

My dear young compatriots,

The celebration of this sixtieth edition of the National Youth Day is once more a welcome opportunity for me to address you on the many issues that concern you.

I am aware that these issues relate to your current situation, but also, and above all, to your future. They concern your difficulties, frustrations, fears and worries. They also relate to your hopes, expectations and legitimate aspirations.

My dear young compatriots,

I am fully aware of your concerns, all the more so because, under my authority, the Government is making tireless and commendable efforts to seek appropriate solutions to them.

This comes as no surprise. I have never stopped, and will never stop, caring about you.

My dear young compatriots,

As I address you this evening, just a few months after my re-election as President of the Republic, I wish to express my deep satisfaction for the role you played in this election and, above all, to thank you most sincerely for your invaluable support, without which none of this would have been possible.

I am aware that the key element in this particularly hard-fought election was undoubtedly the support of a large majority of young people for the vision for society as well as your appreciation of the track record I presented. I also sincerely believe that it reflects the trust and loyalty you have consistently shown me since I assumed office at the helm of our country. For this, I am deeply grateful to you.

My dear young compatriots,

When taking the oath of office, I made a solemn commitment before you and before the entire Nation, to devote all my energies for the advent of a stable, united and prosperous Cameroon.

I intend to honour this commitment, regardless of the difficulties and obstacles arising from an ever increasingly challenging international environment. I am convinced that we will succeed in achieving this objective together, thanks to my unwavering determination, your courage and your multiple talents.

My dear young compatriots,

I am aware that some of you are at a loss when you encounter difficulties in finding a job or achieving your goals. This prompts you to doubt the future and to give up on your dreams or embark on some dangerous venture.

This can, in no way, be the solution. I encourage them to rather persevere. I encourage them to continue to trust their abilities. I encourage them to continue to be enterprising and forge ahead, no matter the difficulties and obstacles. This is the key to success.

My dear young compatriots,

I promised you in my recent speeches, that your integration into the labour market would be one of the main priorities of this seven-year term.

That is the objective of the Special Youth Employment Promotion Plan that I recently announced. The Government has already prepared related incentive measures. The Plan aims to foster genuine synergy between the State, the private sector and the wider society to promote job creation for young people.

In this regard, I would like to mention, among other things, tax exemptions granted to businesses that recruit young graduates, the allocation of 50 billion CFA francs provided for in the Finance Law to promote youth entrepreneurship, the increase in subsidies to the National Employment Fund, and measures taken to integrate young people into State-financed labour-intensive works.

All these efforts, my dear young compatriots, mark the start of implementation of the commitments I made recently to you.

My dear young compatriots,

Under my authority, the Government will continue to allocate substantial resources to strengthen and improve the education system.

My objective is to offer as many of you as possible the opportunity to access quality training, that will enable you not only to find jobs, but also to create them.

As you are aware, recruitment in the public sector or enterprises cannot alone fully resolve the thorny issue of youth unemployment. That is why I will continue to encourage youth entrepreneurship and ensure that young people receive appropriate Government support to that end.

Despite the challenging context, I am pleased to note that many of you are excelling in the agricultural processing, construction, services and digital sectors where you start up businesses and create jobs each day. With each passing day, you distinguish yourselves with boldness and competence in all areas of national life.

In this regard, I would like to commend your invaluable contribution within our defence and security forces to ensuring our common protection.

I would like to pay tribute to all of you, young people in the informal sector, who have chosen to steer clear of criminal and delinquent activities and struggle daily to feed your families. Note that, in my view, there is no such thing as odd-job and there will never be. You all play an essential role in the building and progress of our beloved and great country.

That is why I will ensure that an increasing number of you, women like men, are gradually entrusted with high responsibilities in the management of public affairs.

Various opportunities come to my mind in this regard, including the upcoming reshuffle of managers of State corporations, the formation of the next government, which I know is eagerly awaited, as well as the organization of legislative and municipal elections, though the timeframe for the elections may require a minor adjustment due to pressing constraints, in compliance with the relevant provisions of our laws, especially the Constitution.

My dear young compatriots,

I would also like to remind you this evening that besides the rights you have, you also have responsibilities towards your parents and the national community. I wish to appeal especially to your sense of responsibility. The future of our beloved and great country, Cameroon, lies in your hands. You must be aware of this. You should therefore resolutely shun the excesses in which some of you have unfortunately drifted in recent times, including delinquency, alcohol abuse, drug use, immoral behaviour, the excessive and abusive use of social media, etc.

I also urge your parents and educators to act responsibly. They must fully assume their responsibility towards you and refrain from tolerating, facilitating or encouraging your deviant behaviour. In this regard, I have issued firm instructions to the relevant authorities to strengthen the protection of young girls in schools, families and workplaces, as they are too often victims of all kinds of harassment and abuse.

My dear young compatriots,

I wish to reaffirm my commitment to spare no effort in creating the most conducive conditions for your development. This underpins the instructions I have issued to the Government to act more effectively. It is the objective of the reforms I intend to implement soon to improve the functioning of the State. It is also the objective of the relentless fight I intend to wedge against corruption and the embezzlement of public funds.

My dear young compatriots,

As you prepare to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the national day dedicated to you, I wish to commend the maturity you have consistently demonstrated in all circumstances. Once again, I commend your decisive contribution to building our great and beautiful nation.

I urge you to continue working to preserve our precious achievements, namely peace, national unity and stability of our institutions.

Happy Youth Day to you all!

Long live Cameroon!

Contracts are not threats to sovereignty. They are instruments of credibility.

A state that cannot keep its word cannot build an economy. A government that treats contracts as politics invites bankruptcy.

International tribunals ask only one question:

Did the State respect its obligations?

And increasingly, Cameroon is forced to answer:

No

Nkongho Felix Agbor (“Agbor Balla”)

Lawyer and Human Rights Advocate

In Cameroon, public authorities often behave as though contracts are optional documents — instruments that can be suspended, modified, or terminated at will, depending on political convenience or changes in leadership. At home, such decisions may appear cost-free. Officials feel untouchable, shielded by weak institutions, political influence, and a culture of impunity.

But beyond Cameroon’s borders lies a different reality: a global legal system where contracts are enforceable, states are accountable, and breaches are punished not by speeches, but by billions in damages.

Every time Cameroon fails to respect a contract or abrogates one without due process, it exposes itself to international arbitration, costly litigation, massive compensation awards, reputational damage, and long-term economic loss.

And the bill is paid not by ministers — but by citizens.

The International System Cameroon Cannot Escape

Most major state contracts especially in infrastructure, mining, energy, telecommunications, aviation, and public-private partnerships — include international dispute resolution clauses.

These typically refer disputes to institutions such as the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), and the OHADA Common Court of Justice and Arbitration (CCJA).

Once Cameroon signs such contracts, it waives part of its sovereignty. It accepts that foreign tribunals — not Cameroonian authorities — will judge disputes.

There is no political protection at these forums.

No presidential decree.

No “high instructions”.

Only law. Evidence. And consequences.

Practical Cameroonian Examples: When the State Pays

1. The Antonio Conceição Case: Over 1 Billion FCFA

Perhaps the clearest recent example is the dismissal of football coach Antonio Conceição.

After leading the Indomitable Lions to third place at AFCON 2021, Conceição was dismissed without following contractual procedures. FIFA and later the Swiss Federal Tribunal ruled in his favour.

Cameroon was ordered to pay over 1.6 million euros — more than 1 billion FCFA.

The State eventually had to pay to avoid international sanctions.

This was not a football issue.

It was a contract law failure paid from public funds.

2. The Olembe Stadium and Magil: Over 15 Billion FCFA Frozen

The construction of the Olembe Sports Complex in Yaoundé has become a textbook case of how infrastructure contracts turn into financial disasters.

Following disputes with the contractor, Magil Construction, the matter went to international arbitration in Paris.

Cameroon was ordered to deposit more than 15 billion FCFA into an escrow account.

That is 15 billion francs blocked — not for hospitals, not for schools, not for roads but locked in a legal dispute.

3. The SGS Dispute – A Current Risk

Cameroon is currently facing a serious contractual crisis involving SGS, the Swiss multinational responsible for inspection and verification services linked to customs and trade.

SGS operates at the heart of Cameroon’s revenue system.

Recent administrative attempts to suspend or alter this contract without transparent legal process risk triggering international arbitration.

If this happens, Cameroon faces:

 • Compensation claims

 • Lost profit damages

 • Years of interest

 • Millions in legal fees

 • Possible seizure of state assets abroad

To his credit, the Prime Minister has intervened to seek an institutional solution. This is welcome.

But the SGS episode illustrates a deeper problem:

in Cameroon, contracts are often treated politically first — and legally later.

At international level, SGS is not dealing with a ministry.

It is dealing with the Republic of Cameroon.

And the Republic cannot hide behind circulars.

The Dangerous Illusion of Domestic Power

Cameroonian officials often behave as if:

“What happens in Yaoundé stays in Yaoundé.”

This is false.

A contract signed in Yaoundé is enforceable in Paris, London, Washington, and The Hague.

A minister/Director  may feel powerful locally.

But internationally, Cameroon is just another debtor.

Law Is Cheaper Than Arbitration

Good governance is cheaper than litigation.

Dialogue is cheaper than damages.

Due process is cheaper than seizure.

The paradox is brutal:

Cameroon spends more money fighting contracts than honouring them.

Conclusion: Sovereignty Without Law Is Poverty

Contracts are not threats to sovereignty.

They are instruments of credibility.

A state that cannot keep its word cannot build an economy.

A government that treats contracts as politics invites bankruptcy.

International tribunals ask only one question:

Did the State respect its obligations?

And increasingly, Cameroon is forced to answer:

No.

Written and edited by Barrister Agbor Balla

As Yaoundé the capital awaits the imminent announcement of the 2026 Biya cabinet, the nation once again finds itself at a familiar crossroads of expectation and uncertainty. The 92-year old Cameroonian dictator is expected to unveil a new cabinet that many are hoping will respond to the country’s pressing political, economic, and social challenges.

Cabinet shakeups under Biya have often generated intense political discourse, not because they come along with any meaningful change, but because they guarantee Biya’s continued stay in power.  For many now living below the UN poverty line, the key question is not when the new men and women will be presented to the public by state run Cameroon Radio and Television but whether it will bring meaningful transformation or simply reinforce the status quo.

The nation is at the mercy of Biya and his appointees and it is facing a convergence of crises that demand urgent and competent leadership. Cameroon’s high cost of living continues to strain households, youth unemployment remains alarmingly high, and insecurity persists in the Far North and the English speaking Cameroon regions. Government departments, from the Ministry of Health to National Education are all struggling with chronic underfunding and inefficiency. Added to this worry is a new development that the old guards of the ruling party are refusing to quit the political stage.  Against this backdrop, the formation of the President Biya 2026 cabinet will be closely scrutinized as a measure of the regime’s willingness to confront these realities.

As pointed out by the man widely believed to have won the presidential poll Issa Tchiroma Bakary, there is growing public fatigue with recycled cabinet ministers and long-serving barons of the regime whose records offer little or no evidence of innovation or accountability. Cameroonians, particularly the youth, are calling for new faces—technocrats with proven competence, integrity, and a clear understanding of modern governance. They are seeking a cabinet that can move beyond empty rhetoric and deliver tangible results.

At the same time, several political commentators have reportedly noted that appointments into President Biya’s cabinet often reflect loyalty to the dictator and regional balancing rather than performance. If the upcoming Biya cabinet follows this familiar pattern, public skepticism is likely to deepen. In an era where Cameroonians are more informed and vocal than ever, symbolism without substance may no longer suffice.

The expected reshuffle is also coming at a time when Yaoundé’s international image matters greatly. Cameroon’s economic partners and donors are already pushing for reform. A credible, dynamic young cabinet could help restore confidence and attract foreign investors. Conversely, a new Biya government perceived as stagnant may reinforce doubts about the nation’s governance trajectory.

Many on the streets in major cities such as Douala, Bertoua, Garoua have noted that the announcement of a new cabinet should not be treated as a routine ruling CPDM exercise but an opportunity to reset national priorities, restore public trust, and demonstrate commitment to the nation’s renewal. Whether the 92-year-old Biya seizes this opportunity remains to be seen.

For now, Cameroon is a nation in waiting and citizens are waiting with cautious hope, tempered by undue excitement, that this new cabinet will rise to the demands of the moment and place the national interest above all else.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

By any reasonable measure, 2025 stands out as the bleakest year of President Paul Biya’s long tenure. After decades in office, the familiar arguments of stability and experience no longer convince a population grappling with deepening hardship, political fatigue, and a growing sense that the country is simply treading water while the rest of the world moves on.

Economically, the social contract has frayed. Rising living costs, stubborn youth unemployment, and declining purchasing power have turned everyday survival into a political issue. For many Cameroonians, the promise that patience would one day yield prosperity has worn thin. What makes 2025 particularly damning is not just the persistence of these problems, but the absence of a credible, energizing response from the presidency. The state appears reactive rather than visionary, content to manage decline instead of charting renewal.

Politically, 2025 has exposed the limits of a system built around one man. Institutions feel weak, public trust is eroded, and the distance between rulers and ruled has widened. Calls for reform—electoral, constitutional, and administrative—are louder and more mainstream than ever. Yet the government’s answers have been predictable: cautious statements, cosmetic adjustments, and a reliance on security-first thinking. This has only reinforced the perception of a leadership out of ideas.

Social cohesion has also suffered. Long-running crises, particularly in marginalized regions, continue without durable solutions. Dialogue feels episodic, not sincere; peace feels managed, not built. In 2025, the cost of this approach is more visible than ever: frustration has hardened into cynicism, and cynicism into disengagement. A country cannot thrive when large segments of its population feel unheard and unseen.

Perhaps most damaging is the symbolic weight of 2025. After more than four decades in power, President Biya now embodies continuity without progress. What once passed for experience now looks like inertia. The generational gap between the leadership and the majority of citizens has become impossible to ignore, and with it the sense that Cameroon’s future is being postponed indefinitely.

This is why 2025 feels different—and worse. It is not marked by a single catastrophic event, but by the accumulation of unresolved failures and missed opportunities. It is the year when endurance stopped being admirable and started looking like stubbornness. History may well record 2025 as the moment when President Biya’s long rule finally lost its last convincing justification.

By Rita Akana

Yaoundé Bureau Chief

Cameroon Concord News Group