French President, Emmanuel Macron, is currently in Cameroon on an official visit which will determine many things in the country. He was received at the airport by the country’s Prime Minister, Joseph Dion Ngute, who was representing the country’s old and ailing president, Paul Biya. This event is very likely to be Mr. Ngute’s last official event as a cabinet reshuffle will follow once Mr. Macron leaves the country. Unity Palace insiders have hinted Cameroon Concord News that the Southwest native will be replaced by another South-westerner in the next cabinet. 

Mr. Ngute is no longer in the good books of the Biya hawks as he has failed to disconnect the Southwest from the Northwest as many of them had expected. The government is now focusing on a South-westerner who has leverage on separatists, especially those in the United States.

The government is looking at a prime minister who can easily convince Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe to flip sides and embrace federalism which is what the French are proposing.  Two South-westerners have already been identified and one has been talking to some separatists, something the government believes can deliver good results.

 It is also believed that the Candidate working on the continent has a good relationship with Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe and is connected to people like Barrister Felix Nkongho Agbor and Dr. Fontem Neba.  

During the French President’s visit, messieurs Biya and Macron will discuss a wide range of issues confronting the country, including corporation ties between Cameroon and France as well as succession planning.

The French are already scared of the future as the Biya era has caused a lot of pain and suffering in Cameroon. Most Cameroonians hold that France is responsible for most of the problems which have plagued the country over the last 40 years.

 Mr. Biya’s incompetence has transformed him into a polarizing figure. He has ruled the country for 40 years and his strategy has been to divide Cameroonians so that he can stay in power forever. And this is a real threat to French interest in the country.

Today, the country is more divided than it has ever been. The country’s English-speaking minority is determined to walk away from the lopsided union with the Francophone majority which has caused English-speaking Cameroonians more pain. 

The Country’s English-speaking minority has taken up arms and the message is clear. Southern Cameroonians want to disconnect from France and its French-speaking population in Cameroon. 

The French are not very happy about this unfortunate situation, and they are surprised that for more than five years, the Cameroon military, which has received massive support from the French government, has not been able to roll back the rebellion. This is indeed bad news for the French which have been benefiting from the misrule in Cameroon. 

France is already losing out on some major contracts in Cameroon and this is not good news to Macron who is very unpopular at home. Cameroon’s only oil refinery which went up in smoke some three years ago is being revamped by Russians. The French thought they would be handed the contract, but the bidding process did not favour them.

But things are only getting worse for the French in Cameroon. Northerners are also prepared to take up arms and they have made their intention known. They are just waiting for the day Biya gets recalled by the Lord. Cameroon is falling apart, and the French are worried. The seeds of destruction they had sown many years ago are today bearing fruits and they are among the victims of the ticking time bomb they had planted in Cameroon. They stand to lose if chaos ensues after Mr. Biya’s death. 

Some ill-intentioned Cameroonians are promoting the idea that Franck Biya should be the country’s next president, but this is not going down well with many French politicians who hold that getting Franck Biya into the Unity Palace might only cause the country to implode.

 If Anglophones are on their way out and Northerners have already hoisted their colors, then Cameroon is just a ticking time bomb that might go off anytime soon if Mr. Paul Biya’s succession is not well planned. 

Northerners hold that they also deserve to rule the country after 40 years of marginalization. Anglophones, for their part, hold that after 60 years of marginalization, they must be given a chance to rule, if not, they will walk away and the guns which have caused the Biya regime to lose sleep over the last five years will continue to deliver the results. Mr. Biya’s succession is one major item that might make or break Franco-Cameroon relations in the days ahead. 

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai with contributions from Rita Akana  

The Civil Cabinet at the Presidency of the Republic released a tentative program on President Emmanuel Macron’s visit saying that Biya or his representative will welcome the French leader at the Nsimalen International airport.

The program clearly reveals that Biya is now an X Factor and his regime is unsustainable.  For the first time in the history of the country, the presidency as an institution is not sure on who is going to receive a visiting French president.

To be accurate, Biya and his regime have no capacity to reform the sinking ship. The Francophone dominated administration is facing growing economic woes, crumbling infrastructure, warring elites and a serious secession crisis in Southern Cameroons.

For more than three decades, the 89-year-old Biya has relied on military action as his government’s prime means of legitimizing its power, something that has only become evident since the Ambazonia standoff exploded in 2016.

Before the Southern Cameroons Crisis, Biya and his criminal gang were looking fairly stable and could last for several years without profound change.

With age telling on Biya and fuel crisis hitting Cameroon’s bottom line, political elites and the military leadership, the only sharp tool in Biya’s box is his kinsmen and women in the military, and Biya is increasingly flexing them in the Far North and in Southern Cameroons.

Now, Cameroon is actively, almost openly aggressively, bolstering activity in the Far North against Boko Haram Camerounaise, rebels from the Central African Republic and armed bandits in the cities of Douala and Yaoundé including Ambazonia Restoration Forces.

Political commentators noted that the last edition of the Africa Cup of Nations hosted in Cameroon was one of the most militaristic in years.

The French have been supplying Biya with outdated tanks, post World War I missiles, expired electronic warfare systems and flying coffins passing for fighter jets. But what is more disturbing for the French now is Cameroon’s next president.

The problem for President Emmanuel Macron is that France doesn’t seem to have a long-term vision any more for its “former” colonies in Africa. President Macron himself has been jumping from solving crisis to solving crisis all over Francophone Africa-Guinea, Mali, Chad, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, and Macron is gradually drifting toward Anglophone Africa where leaders think properly and where political and strategic solutions are constantly being applied rather than military solutions.

It is hard to tell what Biya’s biggest problem right now is! Everything in Cameroon is crashing and fast and even Francophone millionaires are fleeing an economy which now has no room to expand.

And with foreign and local investors running away, Biya now has very limited choices: play nice with the Bamilekes, which means relax the Beti Ewondo grip on the Douala Port and pretend to ignore the Bamileke boycott of the Kribi Port or be replaced as Head of State by a Bamileke. Neither of these sound like options Biya is comfortable with!

So what does this actually mean for the so-called one and indivisible Cameroon? The answer is simple: collapse. Cameroon is indeed is a plane in a tailspin.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

President Paul Biya is on his way out and events in Yaoundé including the fuel crisis are shifting the balance in favour of his departure, Cameroon Intelligence Report has gathered from credible sources inside the military.

French President Emmanuel Macron is expected to push the authoritarian leader to resign during his visit to Cameroon next week.

Biya’s days as head of state are now over concurred three senior military officials contacted by our undercover reporters in the nation’s capital, who offered their assessments of the numerous crises that have rocked the Cameroonian nation.

Still, Cameroon Intelligence Report military sources acknowledged that they expect the Cameroonian people to face continued struggle and sacrifice.

CIR understands France and the United States are maintaining contacts with the regime in Yaoundé, including contacts with some Beti Ewondo officials as a matter of principle.

“Hike in the prices of food items and the current fuel crisis is appearing as if Yaoundé is under EU and AU sanctions” observed our Yaoundé City reporter.

In all, every Cameroon government department exploited by the Biya Francophone regime to guarantee President Paul Biya’s continued stay in power has now been subjected to these natural sanctions. Hunger, poverty, power failure, insecurity, the crisis in Southern Cameroons, Boko Haram incursions and now the fuel crisis is choking off Biya’s ability to prosecute its campaign of suppression against the Cameroonian people.

The metrics are moving against Biya

The French are handling the situation in Cameroon in a markedly different manner. President Macron is expected to privately call on Biya to step down next week during his one day visit to Yaoundé. The French are now aware that Cameroon will change in its own way  and that the so-called Biya family clamour for Franck Biya to succeed his father will unleash an unprecedented massacre in Sub Saharan Africa.

There has been an uptick in horrific brutality witnessed in Southern Cameroons and Biya’s pledge to make peace with British Southern Cameroonians remains a lie and an empty promise.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Five years into a deadly separatist conflict in Cameroon’s English-speaking regions, hopes of finding a negotiated settlement seem more distant than ever as both the government and secessionist rebels dig in, according to civil society activists.

It’s a conflict marked by spikes of extreme violence that invariably target civilians. The latest high-profile incident was last month, when government soldiers killed nine people in Missong village, in the anglophone Northwest region.

Rights groups accuse both the security forces and secessionist fighters of serious abuses that include extrajudicial killings, rape, kidnapping, and torture.

The root of the conflict is the central government’s historical marginalisation of the two English-speaking regions, the Northwest and Southwest, home to about 20 percent of the population.

But the dynamics of the violence have changed with the growth of a lucrative “war economy”, typically involving kidnapping and the broader extortion of the civilian population. The political and economic spoils of the war have reduced the incentive to find a negotiated settlement.

“This is no longer a struggle for the common man, but instead an economic venture,” Alhaji Mohammed Aboubakar, the influential imam of the Central Mosque in Buea, Southwest region, told The New Humanitarian by cell phone earlier this year.

And that is not good news for the 640,000 people displaced over the five years of war. The conflict has upturned the lives of more than two million people and lead to sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated by both sides, shuttered schools, and impoverished both regions.

Peace postponed

All known peace initiatives – and they have so-far involved the United Nations, the Catholic church and regional and international governments – have either stalled or failed.

That has included the “Swiss process”, a behind-the-scenes move by the Geneva-based NGO Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue to host a series of “pre-talks” — capacity-building sessions with separatist leaders. It ran aground in 2019 after the Cameroon government rejected the approach.

Secret bilateral negotiations, led primarily by the office of Prime Minister Joseph Ngute and a group of imprisoned separatist leaders known as the “Nera 10” , also stumbled after two exploratory rounds – the result of infighting among secessionists and a perceived lack of will within the government to make the necessary political concessions.

The largely diaspora-based separatist leadership – initially key to raising funds and buying weapons – has seen their influence slip as fighters increasingly turn to homegrown sources of revenue. Their political clout has also been diminished by constant internal feuding.

“When petty self-interest clouds the minds of so-called leaders, their relevance to the suffering masses – who are literally an ocean away – will be non-existent,” said Sarah Derval of the pro-peace coalition of female civil society leaders, the Southwest-Northwest Women’s Task Force.

That lack of control over fighters has encouraged a sense of lawlessness, which has undermined the appeal of the separatist cause.

In some cases, tired of the war – and what is often the high-handedness of the armed men in the bush – communities have demanded that secessionist fighters leave their villages, or have attacked separatist camps. That does not necessarily mean a vote of confidence in the government; rather, it’s likely a sign of frustration over the disruption caused by the conflict.

Yet, the perception of the fighters is that they are local champions, risking their lives for a legitimate cause. “We are living among the people we are fighting for, and will never lose touch of what their situation is,” the spokesperson for the umbrella Ambazonia Military Forces, who goes by the nom de guerre “The Liberator”, told The New Humanitarian.

Rise of the ‘conflict-preneurs’

Abductions have been one of the main methods for separatist fighters to assert control. They are referred to as “arrests”, with individuals released when “bail is paid” – in other words, a ransom.

Once largely limited to government officials, and those seen as hostile to the secessionist movement, kidnapping is now so widespread it can be impossible to determine who is responsible for a particular abduction, with multiple groups – some purely criminal – demanding money.

“At the outset of this crisis, it was clearly the non-state armed groups engaging in the practice,” said Akem Kelvin Nkwain, a lawyer with the Buea-based NGO Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa. “While that still occurs, now there are many gangs who have no stake in the conflict and are after people for no political reason – it’s just about money.”

There is a similar, long-standing practice of paying bribes to government officials for the release of people detained by the security forces – sometimes on the flimsiest of pretexts. It’s a racket that has increased with the crisis, with failure to pay a bribe potentially resulting in being held indefinitely on terrorism charges.

Separatist groups also tax profitable areas of the economy, including the cocoa industry. Cameroon is the world’s fifth largest producer, with nearly half of the cocoa coming from the Southwest region. Output suffered at the beginning of the conflict, but over time, armed groups have imposed a system of fees that allows the crop to be transported over the border to Nigeria or to the main international port in Douala.

“We allow them to do their business, but they have to support the struggle,” a separatist fighter, known as General A.M. Michael, based in the Southwest region, told The New Humanitarian.

A triumphal government

Although the war has absorbed some of the military’s best units, an emboldened government feels able to contain the insecurity. This month it celebrated the death of a feared commander, Oliver Lekeaka – better known as “Field Marshal” – whose body was put on public display.

A critical earlier victory was the successful hosting of the 2021 African Cup of Nations football tournament. Despite the separatists’ vow to wreck the event, matches went ahead in the Southwest region, with little disruption.

The government sees the situation in urban areas as relatively stable, with the separatists unable to coordinate any major action – especially as bouts of internecine violence among rival commanders continues to take a toll on the movement.

Seemingly of more pressing concern to politicians is the succession issue, analysts suggest – who will take over from the country’s ageing president, Paul Biya. Political concessions now, as part of a peace deal, would mean changes to a political economy on which Biya’s rule is based.

“Biya and his tribesmen have robbed the country blind, and refuse to concede power of any instrument of state in order to continue to do so,” said Joseph Wirba, a former MP who fled the country after condemning the government’s actions in the anglophone regions. “They won’t change unless forced,” he told The New Humanitarian.

So what’s next?

It’s widely acknowledged that at some stage there needs to be a negotiated settlement. “Every day that this pointless war goes on, the blood of another life stolen from us stains the ground of this land,” said Esther Omam, a leading peace advocate.

The urgency for talks is even shared by some rank and file separatist fighters. “The more the war is prolonged, even if we get the desired result at the end of the day, we run the risk of many lives being lost,” explained The Liberator.

But peacemaking takes hard work, notes Andrew Nkea, archbishop of Bamenda. He has been involved in multiple efforts to initiate talks in his conflict-hit community, and is realistic that ending a war, in which so many interests are involved, will be an uphill struggle.

“There is no quick fix to a conflict like this one,” he told The New Humanitarian. “This is going to be a long process.”

Culled from The New Humanitarian

The growing political conflict in Yaoundé over who to succeed the 89-year-old President Paul Biya is a result of some tribalists struggling to maintain the Beti Ewondo hegemony and making extremely provocative moves.

It’s a serious situation in which some few in Etoudi are driving the already divided country into a major conflict east of the Moungo, and it’s all about Beti Ewondo political elites protecting the Biya hegemony and also protecting their unique power status.

An obscure group known as the National Network of Youths for Peace and Stability in Cameroon has recently being flying banners of Franck Emmanuel Biya in Yaoundé as the potential successor to his father President Paul Biya.   

In one of its large banners deployed on Saturday, July 9, 2022 in front of the Grand Mosque near the Police Academy in Yaoundé and ignored by state authority, the so-called youth movement wrote that “God, destiny and the country present Franck Emmanuel Biya to continue the work of his glorious predecessors. Together, let us take up the challenge of a more prosperous Cameroon”.

The leader of the group Alhadji Aboubakar Garba, an unknown political figure has been quoted as saying that the banner heralds Franck Biya’s campaign for the presidential elections of 2025.

The choice of an Alhadji as leader of the group is deliberate and is designed to bring tremendous pressure on the Northern regions and also on the huge Muslim community in order to try to make the North accept the Beti Ewondo’s leadership and to comply with the Biya family succession plan. This is a dangerous situation and the consequences will be far reaching.

These Etoudi insiders are playing with fire at a petrol station by attempting to give Franck Biya the nation’s top job.  

The placing of the Franck Biya banner in front of the Grand Mosque in Yaoundé remains an extremely provocative move by the Biya gang. The people of French speaking Cameroon have been very, very slow to respond, but they will do at some point.

The 51 year-old Franck Biya, has not commented on the current situation and some in Yaoundé say he is simply apolitical, entrepreneur and a businessman.

By Rita Akana in Yaoundé

Never underestimate your enemy and never hold that old ways will always deliver the same results. This is the lesson the Yaoundé government is learning after realizing that the military violence which had put an end to the Marquisard movement which rocked the country shortly after independence cannot roll back the massive rebellion staged by the country’s English-speaking minority.

When the issues in the two English-speaking regions of the country started, the government thought it would resort to its old ways to roll back the uprising. It did not know that times had changed and a change in attitude was necessary.

For more than five years, the English-speaking parts of the country have been transformed into an open killing field for both soldiers and civilians. The government had underestimated the anger that had been eating up English-speaking Cameroonians and its poor choice of outdated solution has only made matters worse.

For close to six years, Cameroon has been bleeding. Thousands of its sons and daughters have been sent to an early grave. A protest, designed to draw the government’s attention to the sorry plight of the English-speaking minority, has been poorly managed and it has today become a millstone around the government’s neck. Many children are out of school because they are being denied their right to education by separatist fighters in many towns and villages in Southern Cameroons.

Sex has become a weapon of war, with women being raped and young girls impregnated by people they do not even know. Soldiers who are supposed to protect honest and ordinary citizens have themselves become a major threat to the people they are supposed to protect. The Southern Cameroons crisis has become their stock in trade and their bosses in Yaoundé are doing their best to ensure that the war does not come to an end anytime soon.

The Amba fighters, whom many people thought would protect the population in their poorly organized war for independence, have become the law onto everybody. They have turned against their own people, using the war to earn fast cash. Uneducated gun-totting rascals have become judges, lawyers and even archbishops.  They settle disputes they know nothing about, and their decisions are never based on any sentencing guides. To them, anything is just an opportunity for them to demonstrate their newfound power, power exercised through the barrel of the gun.

The Southern Cameroons crisis is a real disaster in its superlative degree and there is no end in sight. Many lives have been lost and people’s livelihoods have been ruined because the government’s poor decisions. This is a war which could have been avoided through dialogue and negotiations if the government had embraced new and innovative ways of dealing with conflicts.

The government, especially its extremist members, who thought that violence was their weapon of choice to crush the rebellion, is now seeking to find new ways which will help the country heal. The talk in Yaoundé now is how to bring in moderate Southern Cameroonians into the government so as douse some of the fire which is destroying the country. 

Any Southern Cameroonian who has some leverage over some of the people in Southern Cameroons and abroad is today being wooed to play a key role in the country’s government. According to a secret service agent in Yaoundé who spoke to Cameroon Intelligence Report on condition of anonymity, human rights activist, Barrister Felix Nkongho Agbor-Balla, had been contacted for him to join the government as a way of demonstrating that the government was warming up to the idea of an inclusive government. 

Barrister Felix Nkongho Agbor-Balla, who has been a key player in the socio-political events playing out in the two English-speaking regions of the country, tactfully declined the proposal brought to him by a Beti Minister whose identity the Cameroon Concord News Group has decided to protect.

According to the secret service agent who received the minister’s report and feedback, Barrister Felix Nkongho Agbor-Balla told the minister that he was focused on the post-Biya era, as the government had demonstrated a lot of bad will when it comes to dealing with the main issues Southern Cameroonians have presented to the government. The government is clearly stranded, and it is now using any means to find a lasting solution to a problem it said did not exist.

For months, the Unity Palace has been struggling to put together a government of national unity which will include a brand new and neutral prime minister who does not belong to a political party and has extensive leverage over the separatists who have demonstrated that they are made of the stuff which can destabilize the Yaounde government. 

According to a secret service agent who operates within the Unity Palace, government officials are losing sleep because of the chaos which is playing out in Southern Cameroons. They have run out of solutions and even the most zealous among them are now eating a massive humble pie. Their threats and intimidation have not cowed Southern Cameroonians who are more determined to address many issues now rather than later to spare future generations the pain of dealing with a decades-old problem. 

The Unity Palace has been talking with non-CPDM members for a possible replacement of the current prime minister, Dion Ngute, who has fallen short of the ruling Mafia’s expectations. He has not succeeded to disconnect the Southwest region from the rebellion as expected and he is even accused of killing his former henchman, Kenneth Nanji, because of money.

It is being reported that the leading candidate for the post of Prime Minister is insisting on the government releasing all Southern Cameroonians arrested during the conflict which is tearing the country apart. To the candidate, such a gesture will demonstrate that the government is honest and serious about bringing peace to the country.

The candidate, an international civil servant, who, according to sources at the Presidency, clearly stands for an American or a Canadian-style federal system, is also calling for a general amnesty for all those who have been directly or indirectly involved in the war which has already consumed more than seven thousand lives as evidence that the government wants to walk away from this conflict which has cost much money and ruined the economy.  He has also advised the government to rapidly deal with the issue of dual nationality which will be a demonstration of its willingness to work with its expanding Diaspora. 

The government is stuck, and it wants to relief itself of its self-imposed pain. Its arrogance has brought more pain than gain and if it really wants to put the country back onto the path to peace and development, it must make peace with the various factions which disagree with it, especially its English-speaking minority which has proven that winning a war does not depend on the size of the military. If peace must really return to Cameroon, Biya regime must change its ways. It must consider English-speaking Cameroonians as citizens of Cameroon in their own right, and it must learn how to live up to its own commitments. 

There is no issue in Cameroon that cannot be addressed if the political will is there. For more than five years, the government has been chasing shadows. It must learn how to focus on the objects, if not its issues will continue to stalk it like a stubborn shadow. The Southern Cameroons crisis will not go away until the government adopts new ways. Silence and arrogance have not cut it for five years. This demonstrates that the wrong solutions have been adopted and the results leave much to be desired. The government cannot be trusted. It has always been speaking on both sides of its mouth and that is why reasonable Southern Cameroonians are reluctant to be part of any solution engineered by the government.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai with correspondent files

In some African countries that are striving to move forward, their constitutions are very strong and their leaders weak. In Francophone Africa, Cameroon included, leaders are very strong and constitutions are very weak.

It is common knowledge that the one important job of a constitution is to limit the power of the leader. However, this is not the case with all the countries in Africa where French is the official language.

President Paul Biya’s days as head of state now looks numbered after a sea of health issues. But while several possible successors including his eldest son Franck Biya have been suggested, there is no clear favourite.

Once Biya goes, the whole CPDM regime will fall, up to and including those in the so-called Senate and National Assembly and for genuine leadership to emerge, the politically docile French speaking Cameroonians would require a revolution that can lead people to the sunlight uplands.

Frankly speaking, nothing will change after Biya if French Cameroonians particularly those in the military and the gendarmerie turn a blind eye and do nothing in Yaoundé.  What those currently in Etoudi are planning is simply one yellow cake replacing another yellow cake. They all are criminals with blood on their hands.

Biya should never have gotten in and as we wait in joyful hope for his departure, his acolytes, his Beti Ewondo kinsmen and women who are only there to continue collecting bribes and putting one tribe against the other while destroying the economy will surely face the long arm of the law.

Unfortunately, anyone from the ruling CPDM consortium of criminal syndicates who replaces Biya will be no different. The agenda as teleguided in Paris is to destroy the Anglophones and guarantee France complete and total access to Cameroon’s mineral wealth. This agenda will not change. So, in the one and indivisible Cameroon, Southern Cameroonians and French Camerounians are just “allies”, not family.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

The two Cameroons are undergoing the greatest struggle in the name of freedom since the rigged 1961 reunification.

Southern Cameroonians are fighting to take back their country-the Federal Republic of Ambazonia while French Camerounians are fighting for their freedom.

Many are now convinced and confident that, at the end of the day, Southern Cameroons independence and Southern Cameroons sovereignty will prevail and will be there long after the 89 year-old Paul Biya has left the scene.

The reality is that the people of Southern Cameroons have survived five years of French Cameroun military onslaught and they are well on their way to outlasting the Biya administration that criminals like Atanga Nji and Joseph Dion Ngute serve.

There have been continued calls from the embattled President Biya to stop the military operations in Southern Cameroons and hold genuine negotiations with the jailed Ambazonian leaders.

While acknowledging that the Francophone dominated armed forces were suffering painful losses on the front lines in Southern Cameroons, President Biya and criminal gang believe that Cameroon government troops would be able to hold on in their fight against Ambazonia fighters, and eventually stifle the resistance.

People in the know including many political commentators have come to assess that the war in Southern Cameroons has tilted in Ambazonia’s favour, Biya and his Francophone Beti Ewondo officials believe that the opposite is in fact true — that the so-called one and indivisible Cameroon is emerging from the current struggle with an advantage brought on by the provision of Made in France weapons and the deliberate silence of the West.

The problem facing the Francophone leaders in Yaoundé is the harsh reality of military math. Amba fighters are destroying vast majority of Yaoundé’s pre-conflict arsenal. This fact is played out with violence daily — in a conflict that has taken on the characteristic of a massive artillery duel with Amba fighters using the hit-and-run tactics.

The hard truth is that even Paul Atanga Nji is now fed up with the Biya Francophone pattern of governance.  Francophone military officials and some Roman Catholic clerics are now admitting high casualty rates.  Correspondingly, there is no way Biya’s offer of more money to the military will reverse the inevitable tide of Cameroon government’s looming strategic military defeat in Southern Cameroons. The emergence of Boko Haram in the Far North makes Biya’s offer to the army very hollow.

We of the Cameroon Concord News Group believe that when the so-called Biya military operation will be over and Biya gone for good, the one and indivisible Cameroon would no longer exist as a nation.

There is a price to be paid for the fanciful delusions of Mr. Biya and his Beti Ewondo kinsmen, and those in Yaoundé like Fru Ndi who believe them, and that price may be the very existence of the United Republic of Cameroon as a country.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai