The public humiliation endured by some of President Paul Biya’s most loyal collaborators, including former Prime Minister Ephraim Inoni, serves as a powerful reminder of a political reality that has defined the Biya era for decades: unwavering loyalty to the regime offers no guarantee of protection.

For years, Inoni was among the most trusted faces of the ruling CPDM crime syndicate. He occupied one of the highest offices in the land, faithfully implementing government policy and defending the Biya system. Yet when political winds shifted, he found himself prosecuted, imprisoned and stripped of the prestige that had accompanied his years of service. Whether Cameroonians believe the legal proceedings against Inoni were fully justified or politically motivated, the broader lesson remains difficult to ignore. In the Biya system, yesterday’s indispensable ally can quickly become today’s discarded liability.

Inoni is far from an isolated case. Several prominent ministers, senior civil servants, military officers and ruling party stalwarts have similarly fallen from grace after years of devoted service. Many who once stood at the very center of power eventually discovered that political survival depended less on loyalty than on the ever-changing calculations of the presidency and the balance of power within the regime.

This recurring pattern raises important questions about governance and institutional trust. Stable political systems are built on predictable institutions, transparent accountability and equal treatment before the law. When prosecutions or political downfalls appear selective or unpredictable, they inevitably fuel public perceptions that justice may be influenced by political considerations rather than applied consistently.

The message sent to those serving within the current administration is sobering. Absolute loyalty does not necessarily translate into lasting security. Years of dedicated service may not shield an official from disgrace should circumstances change. In such an environment, trust becomes fragile, and fear often replaces confidence.

For the Cameroonian public, these episodes also reinforce a broader concern about the concentration of power. Institutions that depend heavily on the decisions of a single political center rather than on strong, independent processes risk creating uncertainty for both officials and ordinary citizens alike.

The story of Chief Ephraim Inoni and other once-powerful figures is therefore more than the personal tragedy of fallen elites. It illustrates the precarious nature of political patronage in an entrenched system where proximity to power can be temporary and where loyalty, however steadfast may not be reciprocated.

Ultimately, the humiliation suffered by many of President Biya’s closest former associates stands as a cautionary tale. It suggests that in a system where political fortunes can change overnight, trust is not earned through years of faithful service but remains contingent on circumstances that few can control. That is a lesson not only for those within the corridors of power but for every observer seeking to understand the dynamics of Cameroon’s political landscape.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

His Eminence Cardinal Tumi stated that Hell is the place of eternal punishment for the wicked after death. No one in Cameroon would have put it better than Tumi.

However, there is a kind of Hell that requires no flames, no demons and no final judgment standing in front of Angels and Arch Angels. It is the hell of watching a system decay while still sitting on the throne as head of state. By this measure, President Paul Biya is already in Hell.

For decades, Biya has projected the image of permanence. Leaders and governments changed everywhere!  Strongmen and women rose and fell and crises erupted and subsided. Yet Biya remained. Political power after all, can create the illusion that time itself has stopped. But time never stops. It accumulates.

Today, the greatest pain for any “long standing” dictator is not necessarily losing power. It is witnessing the consequences of power exercised for so long that institutions become brittle, public confidence erodes and a capital city begins to mirror a nation’s frustrations.

When Cameroonians complain about failing services, economic hardship, decaying infrastructure or political stagnation, they are not merely criticizing the 42-year old Biya administration. They are delivering a verdict on years of bad governance. In this sense, the real punishment is not exile to the InterContinental Hotel in Geneva. It is ownership.

As frustrations mount in Yaoundé, the nation’s capital, every pothole from Obili to Bastos and from Soa to Ngoa-ekele, every SOCADEL-Eneo blackout and every expression of public disappointment becomes part of a legacy that can no longer be separated from the big man at the top. Paul Biya commands the army, the National Gendarmerie, the Secret Service and the Police Force. Biya issues presidential decrees and occupy official residences with his Beti-Bulu so-called political elites but none of these things will shield him from history’s judgment.

The tragedy of prolonged rule is that it often begins with promises and ends with maintenance of the status quo. The energy that once justified authority gives way to inertia. The future becomes something to manage rather than something to build.

If Hell according to Cardinal Tumi’s prescription is the realization that the world you shaped is slipping beyond your control, then it is possible to imagine Biya experiencing it already. Not as a literal destination, but as a political condition.

Biya is now a leader surrounded by the symbols of authority yet confronted by the visible deterioration of public trust. Biya is now a president who still possesses power but increasingly struggles to command enthusiasm.

The streets of the capital city Yaoundé tell their own stories. They reveal whether Cameroonians feel hopeful or trapped, whether the Biya government inspires confidence or resignation. No CPDM speech can fully silence this verdict.

The ultimate irony is that leaders like Biya who remain the longest often have the least ability to escape responsibility. Successes may be shared among many, but failures become concentrated at the top. History remembers who was in charge.

And so the image of a “Biya already in Hell” is not one of fire and brimstone. It is the image of a man forced to watch the consequences of an era unfold around him, unable to separate himself from them, while the city at the heart of his rule reflects a growing sense that things are falling apart. That may be the harshest judgment politics can deliver.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Cameroon and Senegal are two French dominated African countries. The similarities end there. Every presidential election season in Cameroon arrives wrapped in familiar Paul Biya promises.

President Biya always promise economic reform, renewal, efficiency and a ministerial cabinet ready to confront the nation’s mounting political, economic and social problems. Yet months after the last presidential poll that made the 92-year-old president for life, many Cameroonians are still asking a very simple question: Where is the new government President Paul Biya promised?

Biya’s delay in forming a new cabinet is no longer just a matter of political timing. It has become a test of credibility.

Immediately after Biya took office in 1982, he made the nation to operate under a political culture where reshuffles are treated as strategic instruments rather than urgent democratic obligations.  Cabinet ministers remain in office forever and ever regardless of performance, while Cameroonians are regularly told that change is coming at the appropriate time.

Indefinite waiting for a new cabinet is sending the wrong message to citizens of a country facing youth unemployment, rising living costs, insecurity in several regions and growing public frustration.

A cabinet reshuffle should not merely be ceremonial to make Biya and his Beti-Bulu tribal acolytes happy!  It should always reflect national priorities and signal accountability. If cabinet ministers have failed to deliver positive results, the citizens deserve to see consequences. If new policies are needed, the head of state must appoint people capable of implementing them. And if Biya truly intends to renew confidence in state establishments, this delay only deepens skepticism.

This deliberate silence surrounding the formation of a new administration in Yaoundé has created a vacuum filled by speculation. Is the Unity Palace divided internally? Is the reshuffle being used to balance competing political factions including that of exiled Issa Tchiroma? Or are the Biya CPDM barons simply unwilling to disrupt the status quo? In the absence of communication, Cameroonians are left to guess.

What makes the current situation more disturbing is the sharp contrast between the urgency of public problems and the slow pace of political action. The nation’s young population is becoming increasingly impatient. Many in both French and English speaking regions no longer judge governments by speeches but by visible outcomes such as jobs, infrastructure, security and opportunity. Delays in leadership decisions suggest either hesitation or detachment from the realities ordinary Cameroonians face daily.

Defenders of the corrupt Biya regime have opined that ministerial cabinet formation is a sovereign process requiring meticulous consultation. It could be true! Stability matters. Experience matters. But governance also requires responsiveness. An administration cannot claim urgency on national issues while moving at a pace that appears disconnected from public expectations.

The longer the wait continues, the more the promised “new CPDM government” risks looking like an old Beti-Bulu political habit: announcing change without delivering it promptly.

Cameroon does not simply need another reshuffle of the same faces. It needs a government with energy, competence and a clear mandate to address the nation’s pressing challenges. Whether that happens next week or months from now, it will say much about how Biya understands the current political moment.

The real question is no longer whether a new cabinet will be formed. It is whether Cameroonians will still believe in the promise by the time the cabinet arrives.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

As Cameroon marks another National Day under the leadership of Paul Biya, the atmosphere surrounding the celebrations feels far more reflective than triumphant.

For decades, May 20 has represented continuity, national unity and the resilience of the Cameroonian state. Military parades, patriotic songs and carefully orchestrated displays of state authority have long reinforced the image of a country anchored by stability.

This year, however, the celebrations arrive at a moment of unusual national introspection.

Behind the formal ceremonies lies a country wrestling with uncertainty over leadership, governance and the future direction of the republic. Cameroon is increasingly confronting questions that for years remained largely whispered in political circles: succession, institutional fatigue, generational renewal and the long-term sustainability of a system built around one dominant political figure.

At 93, President Biya remains one of the world’s oldest serving leaders. Yet his reduced visibility has become impossible to ignore. Public appearances have grown increasingly rare. National addresses are infrequent. Important moments in the country’s political life often unfold without direct engagement from the presidency.

Less than a year after securing another term in office despite growing concerns over his age and health, many Cameroonians now openly wonder whether the country is entering a delicate transition period without a clearly communicated roadmap.

The promises that accompanied the latest mandate — including commitments to empower young people, elevate women and modernize governance — have so far produced limited visible change. Instead, frustration continues to build around economic hardship, administrative stagnation and the perception that political renewal remains indefinitely postponed.

The Slow Unraveling of the Old Guard

Cameroon’s current political unease is not driven solely by concerns surrounding the presidency. It also reflects the gradual disappearance of a political generation that shaped the country for more than four decades.

In recent months, several prominent figures associated with the country’s long-standing establishment have either died, exited office or been forced into political retirement by deteriorating health.

The departure of Marcel Niat Njifenji became one of the clearest examples of this reality. Long regarded as one of the most influential figures within the ruling establishment, he was eventually replaced by his deputy before passing away shortly afterward.

A similar scenario unfolded in the National Assembly with the passing of Cavaye Yeguie Djibril, a political heavyweight who had occupied senior parliamentary positions since the 1970s and served as Speaker for more than three decades.

The deaths of other senior personalities, including General Philip Mpay and former Supreme Court Justice Dipanda Mouelle, have further reinforced the sense that an era in Cameroon’s political history is slowly coming to an end.

For many citizens, these developments are more than isolated losses. They expose the fragility of a political system that delayed generational transition for too long and relied heavily on aging personalities instead of strong institutional succession mechanisms.

Vacant Offices and the Cost of Political Delay

One of the most pressing governance concerns facing Cameroon today is the growing number of institutions affected by delayed appointments, prolonged vacancies or officials widely viewed as physically exhausted and politically disconnected from present-day realities.

Across ministries, public agencies and state corporations, concerns over leadership inertia have become increasingly common.

Many Cameroonians privately admit that the country narrowly escaped a serious constitutional and symbolic crisis with the deteriorating health conditions of both the Senate President and National Assembly Speaker before their departures from office. For years, public opinion had questioned whether both men still possessed the energy and capacity required for such sensitive national responsibilities.

Yet decisive succession planning appeared absent until events forced the issue.

That pattern has become increasingly characteristic of governance in Cameroon, where leadership transitions often happen reactively rather than through deliberate institutional planning.

Critical offices remain unfilled. Important decisions continue to be delayed. Administrative bottlenecks have deepened in sectors requiring urgent reform and modernization.

Questions are also growing louder about the concentration of authority within a small political circle that has remained largely unchanged for decades.

Many younger Cameroonians struggle to understand how certain ministers have remained in the same positions for more than twenty years without meaningful rotation or institutional renewal. What was once defended as experience and continuity is increasingly interpreted by critics as stagnation and resistance to change.

In a rapidly evolving Africa driven by youthful populations, technological transformation and competitive economies, Cameroon risks appearing politically frozen while much of the continent moves forward.

National Crises Demanding Immediate Attention

The leadership uncertainty comes at a time when Cameroon faces multiple crises requiring urgent political attention.

The Anglophone conflict remains among the country’s gravest national challenges. Years after violence erupted in the North West and South West regions, insecurity continues to disrupt daily life across large sections of the two regions.

Communities continue to endure kidnappings, attacks, displacement and prolonged disruptions to education and economic activity. Entire generations of children have experienced interrupted schooling because of instability.

Even as National Day celebrations project images of national unity, tensions remain visible across parts of the Anglophone regions, where frustration and insecurity continue to shape daily realities.

Many observers believe the crisis can no longer be managed solely through military containment and administrative measures. Increasingly, calls are growing for stronger political engagement, deeper national dialogue and a more imaginative long-term solution capable of rebuilding trust between the state and affected communities.

At the same time, corruption scandals and governance controversies continue to weaken public confidence in state institutions.

Questions surrounding gold exploitation in Cameroon’s East Region have fueled fresh concerns about transparency, illegal networks and the management of strategic natural resources. Critics argue that such controversies reinforce broader perceptions of weak oversight and institutional decline.

Economic pressures have also intensified public frustration. Rising living costs, unemployment and limited economic opportunities continue to weigh heavily on ordinary citizens, particularly the youth population that was promised greater inclusion during the president’s latest mandate.

The Vice Presidency Debate and Succession Anxiety

Recent moves to establish the office of Vice President have only deepened speculation surrounding succession within the Cameroonian political system.

The speed with which the legislation passed through parliament surprised many observers, particularly in a country where institutional reforms often move slowly.

The ruling CPDM’s overwhelming parliamentary majority ensured the bill’s swift approval, immediately triggering nationwide debate over its political significance.

For some, the move reflected an attempt to reassure political elites and calm growing anxieties about succession. Others viewed it as a sign that internal discussions about the post-Biya era may already be far more advanced than publicly acknowledged.

Yet weeks after the bill’s passage, no vice president has been appointed.

That silence has fueled further speculation and uncertainty.

In Cameroon’s highly centralized political environment, ambiguity often creates tension within elite circles, especially when questions of succession remain unresolved.

Elections Delayed as Anxiety Grows

The postponement of parliamentary and local government elections has added another layer of uncertainty to an already fragile political climate.

Official explanations cite organizational and administrative considerations. Critics, however, interpret the delays as signs of a government attempting to carefully manage an increasingly sensitive political environment.

For many Cameroonians, the cumulative effect of delayed reforms, aging leadership, unresolved crises and institutional hesitation has created the impression of a state operating in slow motion at a time when urgent decisions are required.

A Defining Moment for the Presidency

Despite growing criticism, President Biya still possesses the authority and political influence necessary to shape how Cameroon navigates the coming years.

Many observers believe the country has reached a moment where hesitation itself carries risks.

Vacant offices require credible appointments.

Government restructuring can no longer remain permanently deferred.

Institutions need revitalization.

The Anglophone crisis requires renewed political imagination and engagement.

Public confidence must be restored through visible action rather than repeated promises.

Most importantly, Cameroon’s leadership faces the challenge of demonstrating that the stability of the state can outlive the personalities that have dominated it for generations.

National Day Beneath the Shadow of Transition

This year’s National Day therefore carries symbolism far deeper than ceremonial celebrations.

It reflects a country standing at the intersection of continuity and transition.

For decades, Paul Biya built a reputation as one of Africa’s most resilient political survivors, navigating coups, economic crises, regional instability and shifting geopolitical pressures.

But no political system remains untouched by time forever.

Cameroon today appears increasingly confronted by the realities of generational change, institutional renewal and the unavoidable limits of personal rule.

As the country celebrates another National Day, the question dominating political discussions is no longer simply whether President Biya can remain in office.

The more pressing question is whether decisive action can still be taken to stabilize the system, address urgent national crises, preserve institutional order and guide Cameroon toward a smooth and peaceful transition before uncertainty overtakes stability.

Culled from Pan African Visions

Dr Joachim Arrey of the Global Think Tank for Africa has reflected on selecting a Vice President, noting that Minister Victor Mengot and former Prime Minister Philemon Yang have positive qualities that he thinks they deserve to be appointed. Dr Arrey in this soul-searching conversation with Soter Agbaw-Ebai hinted on their moral conviction and ability to find common ground even amid complex political issues.

Cameroon Concord News: We have not heard from you for a long time, especially after the presidential election. What is your assessment of the country’s political situation?

Dr Joachim Arrey: Thank you, Mr. Editor, for granting me the opportunity to share my political perspective with your audience. Allow me to point out that the pre-election and post-election periods were challenging to our country and despite the pockets of violence which resulted in the destruction of property and loss of life, it can be stated that the people of Cameroon have understood that violence does not address any issues. I hold that political disagreements can be addressed at the negotiating table and not in the battlefield. Yesterday’s adversaries can still be on the same team in a win-win political coalition and partnership. The opposition might have contested the results of the presidential election but once the results were declared, most Cameroonians felt that it was time to move on. The tasks of nation building do not require continuous instability and many Cameroonians have understood that and that partially explains why the post-election violence did not last. Moreover, the government is open to the idea of talking with the opposition to ensure that the country does not get caught up in a circle of violent destruction and killing. Those who do not understand government processes and procedures might think that the government does not want to talk with the opposition. Such discussions always take place out of the spotlight and, since we are talking about the formation of a new government, some opposition leaders could also be brought into government with a view to appeasing the opposition. Such a measure will reduce tensions, and reset our country to the path of economic growth. If this happens, it will not be the first time that the government will be working with opposition leaders. As Cameroonians, we must always pray for peace and security in our country, and we should shun violence as it will only undermine our development efforts.

Cameroon Concord News: Regarding political stability and continuity in the event that there is a vacancy at the highest level of government, who, in your opinion, can be the vice-president following the legislative branch’s adoption of the bill on the appointment of a vice-president?

Dr Joachim Arrey: Thank you, Mr. Editor, for bringing up this issue. As you know, many Cameroonians have, for a long time, expressed their concern about the possibility of violence in case there is a vacancy at the highest level of government. The concerns are legitimate and the legislative branch of government has demonstrated that it understands the people’s plea by adopting the bill on the appointment of a vice president. There were a few contrary opinions which, of course, are normal. As Cameroonians, we do not always have to be on the same wave length. Disagreement is part of the game of democracy and disagreement is as old as man.  Sometimes, it helps to enrich the democratic debate, making it exciting and interesting. However, at the end of the long and impassioned debates, our law-makers had to play their role. They were elected to represent us and their vote is final and irreducible.

With regard to who can be the new vice-president, I have a few names in mind and if I could make any recommendations to the powers-that-be, I would do it without hesitation.

First on my list will be Minister Victor Mengot Arrey, not because we share the same name (Arrey) but because he has been in the corridors of power long enough to understand the issues and has the necessary experience to occupy such a position. When you take a look at his temperament, you will figure out that he is a calm, controlled and focused individual. He has been serving the head of state and the country for close to two decades as the Minister in charge of special duties at the Presidency and he has done that without any blemish. He has never been involved in any social or financial scandal, and a person with a clean moral record is a great asset to our country, especially during trying financial and economic times like the one we are currently going through. Cameroon needs a unifier, a team player and a person who understands the issues and has the mental and intellectual capacity to provide much-needed solutions. Mr. Mengot fits that mould and will surely make Cameroonians proud.

Second on my list is former Prime Minister Yang Philemon whose leadership qualities and credentials are unquestionable. As a high commissioner in Ottawa, Canada, Mr. Yang demonstrated that the credibility and reputation of our country were paramount. He facilitated processes at the high commission for all Cameroonians regardless of their statuses. It should be underscored that Mr. Yang was a minister at 28 and even at that age, he rose above all the challenges he had to deal with. From Ottawa, he returned to the presidency as a key collaborator of the president and later served as a Prime Minister. His most recent position was as the President of the UN General Assembly. His performance was exceptional. He is a symbol of efficiency, selflessness and patience.

Cameroon has many wise and efficient resources. Cameroon needs someone who will keep our country out of troubled waters and Mengot and Yang are experienced hands that can deliver the goods.

Cameroon Concord News: I am impressed with your analysis of our country’s politics and your analyses tie in well with what many Cameroonians think. However, I would like to take you to Manyu Division which has recently lost its senator.   Senator George Tabetando Ndiepnso is no more and he was the lone senator representing Manyu. What is your assessment of his time at the Senate?

Dr Joachim Arrey: I knew Senator George Tabetando who also doubled as the chief of Bachou-Ntai, his native village, way back in 1975 when he was a young, lean and brilliant lawyer who earned the respect of many. He was a model to some of us who had great admiration for lawyers. His lawyering skills were world-class and I was proud of him in that regard. I also heard he did well at EUROIL, an oil and gas institution which created hundreds of jobs for Cameroonians. Regarding the Senate, I would like to mention that Senator Tabetando has done his fair share at the Senate. For most of his time at the Senate, the two English-speaking regions of the country were caught up in a socio-political crisis which made it hard for most Manyu politicians to demonstrate what they were capable of doing. Also, it should be pointed out that it is very challenging to assess a particular politician as the system cultivates team players and not individual stars.  However, I vividly remember how Senator Tabetando went down on his knees in Mamfe town, pleading with the sons and daughters of Manyu Division to come out of the bushes during the socio-political crisis in the two English-speaking regions of Cameroon. That action of his spoke of a man who had the interest of his people at heart. It also spoke to his humility.  He loved Cameroon and never wanted a divided Cameroon. He believed in unity and felt that political issues could be better addressed at the negotiating table rather than in the battlefield.

Cameroon Concord News: Senator Tabetando is now gone and there is a huge political vacuum in Manyu Division. Do you see any young and dynamic Manyu son and daughter who can step into his shoes?

Dr Joachim Arrey: Again Senator Tabetando was a political asset to his Division. He loved his people and cared about the Division’s future. His death is a big loss to all of us. However, it should be pointed out that Manyu Division is blessed with incredible human resources who can effectively play the role the former senator was playing. There are young, dynamic and competent Manyu men and women who also want to lead the Division politically. They want to leave their mark on the Division and I think the vacancy created by Senator Tabetando’s death is a huge opportunity for some of those men and women to take Manyu Division to a new and different level. Senator Tabetando and those who preceded him in death and office have actually laid a solid political foundation and it will be incumbent upon the young generation to build on that foundation, drawing on their experiences. The young generation has a huge responsibility – that of doing better than those who preceded them.

Cameroon Concord News: 2028 is fast approaching and the people of Manyu do not yet know of anyone who will run in the Senatorial elections. Many people of Manyu descent hold that you are a fit for that position. Can you tell the people of Manyu that you will run in the 2028 Senatorial election, especially as Senator Tabetando is dead?

Dr Joachim Arrey: Mr. Editor, I would like to point out that this is a moment of grief for the people of Manyu Division who have lost their son in the person of George Tabetando. In my view, it will be preposterous of me to trigger a competition at this critical time when we all should be working hand in glove to give Senator Tabetando a befitting burial. However, I would like to indicate that we are still two years away from the senatorial elections and I must point out that Manyu will have the type of representation it deserves at the Senate. Like many other potential candidates, I would like to point out that I have the sound intellect that the position requires. I have profound and unwavering love for the people of Manyu, know that I can do whatever it takes to make Manyu a better place than I met it and I will always bend over backwards for my fellow brothers. I am truly and proudly Manyu. Let me point out that I am weighing my options and I will make my intentions known when the time comes. I hold that if given the rear opportunity to serve my people, I will do it without hesitation. We, the people of Manyu, must be ready and willing to serve our Division. Manyu’s development depends on us the sons and daughters of Manyu. I will never hesitate to pull my fair share of the weight if called upon. Let me indicate that you will be the first to know whether I will be in the race when the right time comes. Always bear in mind that like many others, I have the right credentials for such a position. With more than three decades working in Cameroon’s private sector, Canada’s private sector and having worked for international development finance institutions, I have the ability to work with other sons and daughters of Manyu to bring about sustainable development in our Division. I have sound knowledge of the challenges facing our people and I have a huge capacity to mobilize resources for development purposes. However, I will make my intentions known at the appropriate moment.

Cameroon Concord News: Thank you, Dr. Arrey, for your time.

Dr Joachim Arrey: Thank you for giving me the opportunity to express my views on our country’s current political situation.

Early this morning, Hon. Victor Mengot, Minister of Special Duties at the presidency of the republic made public the passing into eternity of His Royal Highness Chief Barrister Tabetando CPDM Senator for the Mamfe Central Sub constituency. The late political figure also moonlighted as the traditional ruler of Bachuo-Ntai village.

Minister Victor Mengot posted “Dear Comrades, it is with a heavy heart that I announce the passing into glory of the last standing senior politician of his generation. Senator Nfor Tabetando passed on this night after a protracted illness. May his soul find solace at the bosom of the Lord.”

The journey of Senator Chief Tabetando to the land of his ancestors invites not just mourning, but reflection on a life well spent and a life that seemed to straddle ambition and duty, power and responsibility, legacy and contradiction.

There are prominent Anglophone political and academic figures that pass through the Cameroon political and business spaces like brief weather but there are those like Chief Tabetando who alter the atmosphere itself.  Chief Tabetando’s voice hin und zu unyielding, unexpectedly conciliatory but carried across chambers and communities alike. Whether Cameroonians both Francophones and Anglophones agreed with him or not, it was extremely difficult to ignore him!

Ever since his passing, tributes have been flowing with predictable reverence from Manyu citizens at home and in the diaspora. Words like “icon,” “pillar,” and “visionary” appear readily in the public lexicon of grief. However, we of the Cameroon Concord Group think that a more honest remembrance of His Royal Highness Chief Tabetando demands we resist flattening him into something too polished. The Supreme Leader of the Bachou-Ntai people was not carved from marble; he was shaped in the friction of real business and politics, where ideals meet compromise and conviction meets consequence.

As a student of the great Chief Emmanuel Tabi Egbe, His Royal Highness Chief Tabetando rose, as many admired Anglophone leaders do, from circumstances that required resilience. His early struggles so often cited in his speeches were not merely narrative decoration; they informed his instincts, his alliances, the Chief’s sense of what was worth fighting for. This begs the question: Did Chief Tabetando remain anchored to those humble beginnings, or did the machinery of political power in Yaoundé slowly redraw his compass? The answer, depending on whom you ask from both sides of the river Moungo, is both.

Frankly speaking, there were moments when His Royal Highness Chief Tabetando embodied the highest aspirations of public service, championing policies that spoke to equity, advocating for voices long sidelined in both the South West and North West regions. And there were other moments, harder to reconcile, when his silence over the Cameroon government teleguided killings in Southern Cameroons spoke louder than any speech he gave. These contradictions do not diminish Chief Tabetando’s legacy; they define it. To remember Chief Tabetando truthfully is to hold both the light and the shadow.

Death has a way of clarifying what life obscures. It strips away the immediacy of political rivalry and leaves behind a more enduring question: after Chief Tabetando, what remains? Not the headlines, nor the victories, but the imprint on people’s lives including the hundreds of well-paid jobs created in Euroil, medic care for all in his Bachuo-Ntai Kingdom, roads built and the laws passed or blocked during his time in the Senate.

Perhaps the deeper, more uncomfortable reflection is not about His Royal Highness Chief Barrister Tabetando alone, but about the Cameroon political system in Yaoundé that shaped him. Political and business elites do not emerge in isolation; they are products of collective expectations, pressures, and permissions. In examining Chief Tabetando’s life, we are also examining ourselves—what we reward, what we tolerate, what we demand.

There is a great temptation in moments like this to seek closure. To be sure, to wrap a life in a neat conclusion and declare it either triumph or cautionary tale! But His Royal Highness Chief Tabetando resists that simplicity. Chief Tabetando’s story feels unfinished not because of its abrupt end this morning, but because his life story asks questions that outlive him.

What does it mean to serve your people with integrity when compromise is inevitable? How does a great political elite wield power without becoming defined by it?

And when the final reckoning comes—as it does for all—what measure truly matters?

As he passes into eternity, His Royal Highness Chief Tabetando leaves behind not just a record, but a reckoning. Not just memories, but mirrors.

And perhaps that is the most enduring legacy of all.

To this I put my name

Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai