Cameroon

30, July 2026

Tchiroma, Akere, Kamto: an opposition that still cannot seize the moment ⁰

More than 50 days into President Paul Biya’s latest stay in Switzerland, Cameroon has once again found itself confronting familiar questions about presidential absence, succession and the future of governance. Yet if this prolonged absence has exposed the vulnerabilities of an aging political system, it has also revealed an equally uncomfortable truth: the Cameroonian opposition remains unable to transform political opportunity into a credible national movement.

For years, opposition leaders have argued that President Biya’s long rule has exhausted the country’s political institutions and that Cameroon urgently needs democratic renewal. If that diagnosis is correct, then the president’s extended stay abroad should have represented a defining political moment. Instead, Issa Tchiroma, Akere Muna, Maurice Kamto, Joshua Osih and others have largely settled for press conferences, social media statements and isolated criticisms that have failed to generate sustained national momentum.

The problem is not a lack of grievances. Cameroon faces persistent economic pressures, youth unemployment, insecurity in several regions and widespread public frustration over governance. These concerns are real and deeply felt. What has been missing is an opposition capable of organizing these frustrations into a coherent political project.

Too often, opposition parties such as the SDF, MRC, UNDP and of late Issa Tchiroma’s majority following appear more invested in competing with one another than in building a united front. Personal rivalries overshadow strategic cooperation. Leaders who speak passionately about change frequently struggle to agree on common priorities or a shared electoral strategy. The result is fragmentation at precisely the moment when unity would carry the greatest political weight.

The inability to capitalize on President Biya’s prolonged absence also raises questions about preparation. Effective opposition movements do not wait for political openings to develop policies, grassroots networks or leadership structures. They spend years building credibility so that when circumstances shift, they are ready to offer themselves as a convincing alternative. In Cameroon, that level of preparation has often been lacking.

Many Cameroonians seeking change are left asking a difficult question: if the opposition cannot organize effectively during one of the most politically symbolic periods in recent years, how can it persuade voters that it is prepared to govern a complex country?

Criticism of the government alone is no longer enough. Cameroonians increasingly want practical proposals on economic recovery, employment, national reconciliation, decentralization, security and institutional reform. An opposition that defines itself solely by opposition risks only reinforces the perception that it has no governing vision beyond replacing those currently in power.

This is not to ignore the genuine constraints facing opposition parties. Cameroon has long been criticized by domestic and international observers for restrictions on political competition, unequal access to state resources and legal and administrative obstacles confronting opposition actors. These realities make political mobilization considerably more difficult. However, structural disadvantages cannot explain every missed opportunity. Political leadership is ultimately measured not only by the obstacles it faces but also by its ability to adapt, innovate and inspire under difficult conditions.

President Biya’s extended stay abroad has once again highlighted the uncertainties surrounding Cameroon’s political future. Yet history may judge this period not only by the actions of those in power, but also by the inability of their challengers to present themselves as a disciplined, united and credible alternative.

Political opportunities are rarely permanent. They emerge unexpectedly and disappear just as quickly. Unless the Cameroonian opposition can overcome its divisions, articulate a compelling national vision, and build genuine grassroots momentum, it risks watching another historic opening pass by—leaving the country’s political landscape fundamentally unchanged. Kamto, Akere, Tchiroma-over to you people!

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

28, July 2026

Paul Biya’s 50 Days in Switzerland: The long goodbye to an era ⁰

For more than four decades, President Paul Biya has defied predictions of his political demise. He has outlasted rivals, survived crises and maintained an iron grip on Cameroon through a system built on centralized authority and carefully managed succession. Yet politics is often defined not by dramatic events, but by prolonged absences that expose uncomfortable realities. Biya’s record 50-day stay in Switzerland is one such moment.

Whether the official explanations are accepted or not by the people of Cameroon, the extraordinary length of Biya’s absence has inevitably fueled questions about his health, his ability to govern and the future of the Cameroonian state. In any functioning democracy, such questions would be answered with transparency. Instead, Cameroonians have been left with rumors, speculation and official denials from Biya acolytes that have done little to dispel uncertainty.

The issue is no longer simply where President Biya is. The issue is what his prolonged absence says about the state of power in Cameroon.

For decades, Biya’s authority rested on the perception that he alone embodied the state. That image becomes increasingly difficult to sustain when the country’s leader spends weeks away from the seat of government while critical national decisions continue to accumulate. Even if the machinery of government continues to function, prolonged physical absence inevitably raises doubts about who is truly making decisions and how power is being exercised behind closed doors.

History shows that the twilight of long-serving leaders is often marked not by a formal resignation, but by a gradual erosion of their political presence. Authority shifts quietly before power changes hands officially. Ministers become more cautious. Political allies begin calculating the future. Ambitious successors position themselves discreetly. The conversation moves from loyalty to succession. Cameroon increasingly appears to be entering that phase.

The government’s insistence that everything is normal has not prevented widespread speculation. If anything, the absence of clear communication has amplified it. In the age of instant information, silence rarely reassures. Instead, it creates space for competing narratives that undermine public confidence.

No one outside the president’s closest circle can state with certainty the full circumstances surrounding his stay in Switzerland. It is therefore important to distinguish between verified facts and speculation. But one fact is undeniable: a president who has remained away from his country for an unprecedented period inevitably invites questions about continuity, governance and succession.

For a leader who has ruled Cameroon for more than four decades, this may well be remembered as the moment when the country collectively began contemplating the post-Biya era—not because an official announcement was made but because events spoke louder than words.

Political endings rarely arrive with fanfare. They emerge gradually, as confidence fades, uncertainty grows and the symbolism of power begins to outweigh its exercise. Biya’s prolonged stay abroad has become more than a personal matter; it has become a national political event.

Whether President Paul Biya ultimately returns to Yaoundé or not, his record stay in Switzerland may come to symbolize the beginning of the end of one of Africa’s longest presidential tenures. The transition may not happen today or even this year, but the aura of permanence that once surrounded his rule appears increasingly fragile.

For Cameroon, the more pressing question is no longer whether the Biya era will end. It is whether the country is prepared for what comes after.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

26, July 2026

Biya’s Continued Stay in Power: SDF rejects any delay to legislative and municipal elections ⁰

The Social Democratic Front (SDF), one of Cameroon’s foremost opposition parties, has declared that it will firmly oppose any postponement of the country’s upcoming legislative and municipal elections, insisting that the polls must be held within the constitutional timeframe regardless of prevailing circumstances.

The position was made public by the National Chairman of the SDF, Hon. Joshua Osih Nabangi, during a press conference held on July 23, 2026, at the party’s national secretariat in Olezoa, Yaoundé.

Addressing journalists and party officials, Hon. Joshua Osih maintained that the elections represent an essential democratic exercise and warned against any attempt to delay the process. He stressed that all parts of the country, including the conflict-affected North West and South West regions, must participate fully in the elections.

“We will leave no stone unturned for elections to be held in the North West and South West regions. We cannot continue to leave our country in the hands of those who do not respect Cameroonians,” Osih declared.

The SDF chairman said holding elections across the entire national territory would demonstrate the country’s commitment to democracy and ensure that citizens are represented in national and local institutions.

He argued that the people of the North West and South West regions should not be deprived of their democratic right to elect representatives because of the security challenges affecting the two regions.

Call for Massive Voter Registration

A significant part of Osih’s address focused on voter registration, as he urged all eligible Cameroonians who have not yet enrolled on the electoral register to do so before the August 31, 2026 deadline. According to him, broad participation in the electoral process is the surest way for citizens to express their political choices through the ballot box.

He called on young people, first-time voters and all citizens of voting age to register in large numbers, arguing that elections provide an opportunity for peaceful political change.

Osih accused the current administration of failing to account to citizens and urged voters to use the upcoming polls to determine the country’s future. The SDF has been intensifying voter mobilisation campaigns in recent months as political parties prepare for both the legislative and municipal elections expected within the coming months.

During the press conference, Osih also commented on the prolonged stay abroad of President Paul Biya. The President has remained outside Cameroon for several weeks, a situation that has generated public debate and political commentary.

While acknowledging that the President had previously informed Cameroonians before travelling abroad for what was described as a private stay, Osih said citizens deserve an update on his situation.

“From a political point of view, the President of the Republic should inform Cameroonians on what is happening to him abroad as he informed us when he was travelling abroad for a brief private stay. He is an institution, and he owes us,” the SDF leader stated.

Hon. Joshua Osih has urged eligible Cameroonians who have not yet enrolled on the electoral register to do so before the August 31, 2026 deadline

“Carry the Force of Change”

Looking ahead to the elections, the opposition leader appealed to voters to rally behind the SDF in both the municipal and legislative polls. He said electing SDF councillors and Members of Parliament would provide an opportunity to strengthen local governance and parliamentary oversight while securing a better future for younger generations.

“Carry the force of change to victory during the upcoming legislative and municipal elections by taking your councils and Parliament under the SDF ticket to guarantee the future for your children,” Osih appealed.

The SDF has consistently presented itself as an alternative political force advocating democratic governance, accountability and decentralisation. The twin elections are expected to provide an opportunity to expand their influence in local councils and Parliament.

Osih also referred to recent comments by the Minister of Public Health, Manaouda Malachie, who has repeatedly stated that Cameroon’s health system has significantly improved and that hospitals in the country are increasingly capable of providing quality medical care.

Referring to those assurances, the SDF chairman remarked that President Biya could return home, suggesting that the country’s healthcare facilities should be able to provide the necessary medical services if required.

The SDF’s declaration comes as political parties across Cameroon step up preparations for the forthcoming elections. The ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) has already announced nationwide voter mobilisation campaigns and plans to deploy party officials across the country to strengthen voter registration efforts and prepare for candidate selection.

With the voter registration deadline approaching, political parties are expected to intensify grassroots campaigns aimed at increasing their support base. The legislative and municipal elections are expected to come up in the first half of 2027 after the mandates of Mayors and MPs were extended by Paul Biya earlier this year.

Source: Pan African Visions

26, July 2026

Biya’s Extended Stay in Geneva: Minister Fame Ndongo dismisses speculation ⁰

The Minister of State, Minister of Higher Education, Professor Jacques Fame Ndongo, has firmly dismissed suggestions that the country is experiencing a vacuum in executive leadership, insisting that President Biya remains fully in charge of state affairs.

In a statement titled “Stop the Fantasies. There Is No ‘Vacancy’ at the Head of State,” Fame Ndongo argued that claims of a vacant presidency have no legal, constitutional or logical basis.

According to Minister Fame Ndongo, who doubles as the Communication Secretary of the ruling Cameroon Peoples Democratic Party, CPDM, Cameroon’s Constitution does not prescribe a maximum duration for a presidential stay outside the national territory.

“Claiming that executive power is vacant in Cameroon is a legal, political and logical barbarism,” he stated, arguing that no constitutional provision can be invoked to suggest that the President forfeits his authority by remaining abroad for an extended period.

The minister stressed that executive authority continues to function normally, regardless of the President’s physical location.

“There is no sleepiness at the summit of the State,” Fame Ndongo said, maintaining that President Biya continues to monitor government affairs, review official files submitted by his collaborators and issue directives necessary for the smooth functioning of the country.

He added that the President remains actively engaged in decision-making through established communication channels and administrative procedures.

Fame Ndongo also condemned what he described as the spread of misinformation and unfounded rumours regarding the Head of State. “So stop the boasting, the fabrications and the big lies,” he said, urging citizens to concentrate on their respective responsibilities instead of engaging in speculation.

Drawing on philosophical references, the minister quoted French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre’s assertion that “man is the sum of his acts,” while also invoking Voltaire’s famous call to “cultivate one’s garden” as an appeal for citizens to focus on constructive work rather than rumours.

According to Minister Fame Ndongo, Cameroon’s Constitution does not prescribe a maximum duration for a presidential stay outside the national territory.

Critics Raise Questions

Not everyone shares that interpretation. Among the most prominent critics is veteran human rights lawyer Alice Nkom, who publicly questioned the President’s prolonged absence while the country confronts multiple national challenges.

In a Facebook post, Nkom argued that Cameroon requires visible leadership at a time when citizens continue to grapple with economic hardship, political tensions and social concerns. She criticised the political stagnation and questioned why the Head of State had remained abroad for more than a month.

Nkom alleged electoral irregularities during the 2025 presidential election, criticised the postponement of legislative and municipal elections until 2027, and expressed concern over child malnutrition, violent crime and the continued detention of political activists.

Supporters of the government argue that modern communication technologies allow heads of state to govern effectively from anywhere in the world. They point to digital communications, secure government channels and established administrative procedures as evidence that state institutions continue to function.

Critics, however, contend that leadership extends beyond signing official documents. They argue that the visibility and presence of a head of state can reassure citizens, strengthen public confidence and demonstrate responsiveness during challenging periods.

As speculation continues, the official date as to when President Biya will return to Cameroon is anyone’s guess. Until such communication is made, questions surrounding the duration of his stay abroad are likely to remain at the centre of national political discourse.

For now, the country finds itself balancing two competing narratives—one insisting that constitutional authority remains fully intact regardless of geography, and another arguing that effective leadership requires not only legal authority but also visible presence.

Source: Pan African Visions

23, July 2026

Yaoundé: CPDM barons meet as Biya’s long absence draws criticism ⁰

Cameroon’s ruling party called a rare meeting of senior leaders on Wednesday as criticism mounted over the continued absence of President Paul Biya, 93, who has spent the last 45 days abroad.

Biya, the ‌world’s oldest head of state, left Cameroon on June 7 for what the civil cabinet described as “a brief private stay in Europe” and has since not returned. The government has provided no information as to when he might be back.

Jean Nkuete, secretary-general of the central committee of the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), who summoned the ⁠meeting, did not disclose its agenda, describing it in a statement only as “an important working session.” There was no immediate indication that the meeting was linked to Biya’s prolonged absence from public view.

In office since 1982, Biya has for years spent extended stretches in Switzerland and elsewhere in Europe, though his advanced age means they have increasingly fuelled speculation about his health, whereabouts and ability to govern. The current overseas trip is his longest yet.

DISCUSSION OF HEALTH BANNED

After a similarly extended period out of the country in 2024, the ‌government banned discussion ⁠of Biya’s health.

That has not stopped some opposition figures from commenting on Biya’s absence.

The Cameroon Democratic Union, an opposition party, said in a statement on July 18 that officials should “provide the nation with the necessary clarifications regarding the effective continuity of the state.”

In a Facebook post on July ⁠17, opposition lawmaker Jean Michel Nintcheu said the Constitutional Court should declare the position of head of state vacant.

A government spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment. The government has previously ⁠dismissed reports that Biya is receiving medical treatment and said he can effectively run the cocoa- and oil-producing country from overseas.

Lawmakers in April approved the re-introduction of the role ⁠of vice president, who would be first in line to succeed Biya, but the role has not been filled.

Biya has also not appointed a new government despite having won re-election last October.

Source: Reuters

22, July 2026

Issa Tchiroma Calls for Overthrow of Biya’s Government ⁰

Opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary has made a direct appeal to the country’s defence and security forces, urging them to facilitate his return from The Gambia, where he says he is living in forced exile.

In a message on his official Facebook account and addressed to members of the National Gendarmerie, the Army, the Air Force, the Navy and the Fire Brigade Corps, Issa Tchiroma reiterated his rejection of the official results of the October 12, 2025 presidential election, which declared incumbent President Paul Biya the winner.

Issa Tchiroma maintains that he won the election and described himself as the “President-elect” of Cameroon.

Addressing military personnel, Tchiroma paid tribute to their role in defending the nation’s territorial integrity, maintaining peace and protecting citizens in accordance with the rule of law and respect for human rights.

Tchiroma promised that, if he assumed office, he would modernise the country’s defence forces and improve the welfare of military personnel. “Under my leadership, I will ensure a more professional, stronger and more modern army with a status that matches your role and the risks and threats we all face,” he said.

The exiled opposition leader accused the current administration of refusing to recognise the will of the electorate and claimed to have initiated international legal proceedings to defend democracy and human rights in Cameroon.

He further alleged that Cameroonians were facing persecution and intimidation, accusing what he described as “misguided elements” within the security services of acting against the population.

Tchiroma also claimed that he received overwhelming electoral support during the 2025 presidential election, including significant backing from members of the defence and security forces. These claims differ from the official election results announced by Cameroon’s electoral authorities.

Calling on members of the military to remain faithful to their constitutional responsibilities, Tchiroma urged them to uphold the sovereign will of the people. “Remember that you have sworn an oath to serve the Cameroonian people,” he told members of the armed forces. “You must take your responsibilities and not allow yourselves to be drawn into this calamitous path with no future.”

In the strongest part of his address, Tchiroma appealed directly to the military to facilitate his return to Cameroon. “I solemnly ask you to come and take me home from The Gambia where I find myself in constrained and forced exile,” he said.

“I am eager to be by the side of my people, the Cameroonian people who elected me, and to serve them with honour and loyalty for a brighter future.”

Tchiroma Bakary added that he believed it was his constitutional duty to preside over this year’s Armed Forces Day celebrations (on August 14), as Commander-in-Chief, based on his claim that he was the legitimate winner of the 2025 election.

The appeal comes as Tchiroma continues to challenge the official outcome from abroad. Cameroon’s electoral authorities declared President Paul Biya the winner of the poll with 53.7 per cent, a result that Tchiroma and some opposition supporters have rejected. The official election results gave Tchiroma 35.2 per cent of the votes.

Source: Panafricanvisions

16, July 2026

Biya’s absence in Yaoundé is testing the limits of the nation’s political system ⁰

President Paul Biya’s prolonged absence from public view has once again exposed a structural weakness at the heart of Cameroon’s governance: the concentration of decision-making in a single office.

As speculation over his whereabouts and health continues, Yaoundé appears to be operating in slow motion, with reports and widespread perceptions suggesting that major political and administrative decisions have been delayed while officials await direction from the presidency.

Whether every government function has stalled is open to debate, but the perception of institutional paralysis is itself significant. Investors, civil servants, political actors and ordinary citizens increasingly question how a modern state can remain so dependent on the availability of one individual.

The uncertainty has also revived an old constitutional and political debate. Cameroon has no vice-president. Under the Constitution, if the presidency becomes vacant, the President of the Senate assumes interim responsibilities until an election is held. Yet the absence of a permanently designated deputy means there is no clearly visible second-in-command to reassure the public during periods when the president is unavailable. The result is a leadership vacuum in the public imagination, even if constitutional mechanisms exist on paper.

This arrangement has fueled renewed calls from some analysts and opposition figures for reforms that would create the office of vice-president or otherwise clarify executive succession. Supporters argue that such a position could provide continuity and reduce uncertainty during periods of presidential absence, while critics contend that introducing a vice-president could create competing centers of power within the executive.

More broadly, the current situation underscores concerns about the resilience of Cameroon’s political institutions. A system that depends heavily on a single leader inevitably raises questions about succession planning, institutional autonomy and the ability of government to function smoothly under extraordinary circumstances.

Suggestions that the country is on the verge of a political rupture should, however be treated with caution. While prolonged uncertainty can heighten political tensions and deepen divisions among competing elites, predicting a rupture goes beyond the available evidence. What is clear is that sustained ambiguity over leadership risks eroding public confidence, encouraging speculation and increasing pressure for constitutional and institutional reforms.

Cameroon stands at an important moment. The issue is no longer simply the president’s absence, but whether the country’s institutions are sufficiently robust to ensure continuity, transparency and public confidence regardless of who occupies the highest office.

A stronger framework for executive succession and clearer communication during periods of presidential absence would not eliminate political uncertainty, but they would strengthen the credibility of the state and reduce the risks that uncertainty poses to governance.

Biya has been stuck in Geneva, Switzerland, for a month – alternating between a private clinic and his favoured suite at the InterContinental Hotel. This follows multiple false alarms about the 93-year old president’s declining health but the arrival of so many of his family and political associates in Geneva suggests that the concerns of those closest to him are mounting – leaving an ominous power vacuum in Yaoundé.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

3, July 2026

Issa Tchiroma dismisses reports of planned U.S. travel from The Gambia as Fake News ⁰

The man widely believed to have won the 2025 presidential elections in Cameroon Issa Tchiroma Bakary has dismissed as “fake news” reports circulating on social media claiming that he was preparing to travel to the United States from The Gambia.

The reports alleged that Tchiroma had departed or was set to depart Banjul for the U.S. However, Gambian authorities have publicly rejected the claim, describing it as false and confirming that no such departure had taken place.

The denial comes amid continued speculation surrounding Tchiroma’s movements since he sought refuge in The Gambia following the disputed 2025 presidential election in Cameroon. He has remained active politically from exile, issuing statements and pursuing legal action against the Cameroonian government while residing in Banjul.

The false reports quickly spread across media houses in Cameroon and social media platforms, prompting officials to issue a clarification aimed at countering misinformation. Authorities reiterated that Tchiroma remains in The Gambia and that claims of his travel to the United States are entirely unfounded.

The episode highlights the growing challenge posed by online misinformation surrounding high-profile political figures, particularly those living in exile, where unverified claims can rapidly gain traction before being officially debunked.

By Rita Akana in Yaounde

2, July 2026

Inoni Ephraim: how yesterday’s indispensable Biya ally quickly became today’s discarded liability ⁰

The public humiliation endured by some of President Paul Biya’s most loyal collaborators, including former Prime Minister Ephraim Inoni, serves as a powerful reminder of a political reality that has defined the Biya era for decades: unwavering loyalty to the regime offers no guarantee of protection.

For years, Inoni was among the most trusted faces of the ruling CPDM crime syndicate. He occupied one of the highest offices in the land, faithfully implementing government policy and defending the Biya system. Yet when political winds shifted, he found himself prosecuted, imprisoned and stripped of the prestige that had accompanied his years of service. Whether Cameroonians believe the legal proceedings against Inoni were fully justified or politically motivated, the broader lesson remains difficult to ignore. In the Biya system, yesterday’s indispensable ally can quickly become today’s discarded liability.

Inoni is far from an isolated case. Several prominent ministers, senior civil servants, military officers and ruling party stalwarts have similarly fallen from grace after years of devoted service. Many who once stood at the very center of power eventually discovered that political survival depended less on loyalty than on the ever-changing calculations of the presidency and the balance of power within the regime.

This recurring pattern raises important questions about governance and institutional trust. Stable political systems are built on predictable institutions, transparent accountability and equal treatment before the law. When prosecutions or political downfalls appear selective or unpredictable, they inevitably fuel public perceptions that justice may be influenced by political considerations rather than applied consistently.

The message sent to those serving within the current administration is sobering. Absolute loyalty does not necessarily translate into lasting security. Years of dedicated service may not shield an official from disgrace should circumstances change. In such an environment, trust becomes fragile, and fear often replaces confidence.

For the Cameroonian public, these episodes also reinforce a broader concern about the concentration of power. Institutions that depend heavily on the decisions of a single political center rather than on strong, independent processes risk creating uncertainty for both officials and ordinary citizens alike.

The story of Chief Ephraim Inoni and other once-powerful figures is therefore more than the personal tragedy of fallen elites. It illustrates the precarious nature of political patronage in an entrenched system where proximity to power can be temporary and where loyalty, however steadfast may not be reciprocated.

Ultimately, the humiliation suffered by many of President Biya’s closest former associates stands as a cautionary tale. It suggests that in a system where political fortunes can change overnight, trust is not earned through years of faithful service but remains contingent on circumstances that few can control. That is a lesson not only for those within the corridors of power but for every observer seeking to understand the dynamics of Cameroon’s political landscape.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

9, June 2026

Biya is already in Hell as Yaoundé unravels ⁰

His Eminence Cardinal Tumi stated that Hell is the place of eternal punishment for the wicked after death. No one in Cameroon would have put it better than Tumi.

However, there is a kind of Hell that requires no flames, no demons and no final judgment standing in front of Angels and Arch Angels. It is the hell of watching a system decay while still sitting on the throne as head of state. By this measure, President Paul Biya is already in Hell.

For decades, Biya has projected the image of permanence. Leaders and governments changed everywhere! Strongmen and women rose and fell and crises erupted and subsided. Yet Biya remained. Political power after all, can create the illusion that time itself has stopped. But time never stops. It accumulates.

Today, the greatest pain for any “long standing” dictator is not necessarily losing power. It is witnessing the consequences of power exercised for so long that institutions become brittle, public confidence erodes and a capital city begins to mirror a nation’s frustrations.

When Cameroonians complain about failing services, economic hardship, decaying infrastructure or political stagnation, they are not merely criticizing the 42-year old Biya administration. They are delivering a verdict on years of bad governance. In this sense, the real punishment is not exile to the InterContinental Hotel in Geneva. It is ownership.

As frustrations mount in Yaoundé, the nation’s capital, every pothole from Obili to Bastos and from Soa to Ngoa-ekele, every SOCADEL-Eneo blackout and every expression of public disappointment becomes part of a legacy that can no longer be separated from the big man at the top. Paul Biya commands the army, the National Gendarmerie, the Secret Service and the Police Force. Biya issues presidential decrees and occupy official residences with his Beti-Bulu so-called political elites but none of these things will shield him from history’s judgment.

The tragedy of prolonged rule is that it often begins with promises and ends with maintenance of the status quo. The energy that once justified authority gives way to inertia. The future becomes something to manage rather than something to build.

If Hell according to Cardinal Tumi’s prescription is the realization that the world you shaped is slipping beyond your control, then it is possible to imagine Biya experiencing it already. Not as a literal destination, but as a political condition.

Biya is now a leader surrounded by the symbols of authority yet confronted by the visible deterioration of public trust. Biya is now a president who still possesses power but increasingly struggles to command enthusiasm.

The streets of the capital city Yaoundé tell their own stories. They reveal whether Cameroonians feel hopeful or trapped, whether the Biya government inspires confidence or resignation. No CPDM speech can fully silence this verdict.

The ultimate irony is that leaders like Biya who remain the longest often have the least ability to escape responsibility. Successes may be shared among many, but failures become concentrated at the top. History remembers who was in charge.

And so the image of a “Biya already in Hell” is not one of fire and brimstone. It is the image of a man forced to watch the consequences of an era unfold around him, unable to separate himself from them, while the city at the heart of his rule reflects a growing sense that things are falling apart. That may be the harshest judgment politics can deliver.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai