When officials of Cameroon’s largest city, Douala, instituted a sanitation day which is supposed to take place every Thursday, many in the city were elated, hoping that such an action would roll back the garbage that lined the city’s streets.

But this hope has been short-lived as the sanitation day is being used by alcohol addicts in the city to recover after heavy drinking every Wednesday evening.

Like most laws in Cameroon, the Douala City’s bylaw on sanitation lacks teeth as there are no enforcement mechanisms. The city’s officials have good intentions, but they lack the means to enforce their own laws.

They made the law without thinking of how to enforce it and today, many residents of Douala are simply not participating in the effort and there are no consequences for non-compliance.

Douala City officials have to go back to the drawing board to see how they can ensure that residents see that the sanitation day is in their best interest.

The Douala Sanitation Day has delivered some results but there is more to be done. Douala as a city is still very dirty. Resident dump their garbage on the streets everyday instead of keeping it at home until the garbage trucks come for the garbage.

According to analysts and observers, the city’s garbage issue is a real millstone around the necks of the population. Each day, thousands of Douala residents get hit by malaria due to poor sanitation and this is taking a toll on the people’s meager salaries.

Children and women are the hardest hit by malaria and deaths from malaria are always in the thousands in a city whose sanitation situation will not be improving as planned by city officials because most of the population does not pull its fair share of the weight.

More needs to be done in terms of enforcement if the city’s sanitation law has to deliver real results.

Alain A. Ebot

Senior political figures within the Biya Francophone regime in Yaoundé are now raising concerns about the declining participation in Cameroon’s sham elections orchestrated by the 91-year-old President Biya. One of them contacted by Cameroon Intelligence Report expressed worry that Etoudi insiders are not feeling the urgency and danger surrounding the current situation.

Various factors have contributed to the decreased turnout even from so called CPDM militants. There is now a complete and total dissatisfaction with the country’s conditions and a lack of hope for its future on both sides of the English and French divide. And many have openly questioned Biya’s legacy and accused him and his kinsmen of using misleading slogans to divert attention from the deteriorating state of the country.

A top military brass was heard recently murmuring privately against the rhetoric coming from inside the presidency on Franck Biya and Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh. He at one point wondered aloud whether calls for the two men to succeed the 91-year-old Biya truly serves the interests of the Cameroonian people.

The corrupt CPDM government is now resorting to empty rhetoric when Biya has nothing substantial to offer. Despite years of both French and English speaking Cameroonian citizens expressing allegiance to their country, the Biya regime appears deaf to their pleas.

As I write, everyone in the nation’s capital Yaoundé is seeking regime change. The regime is losing its grip on the military, the people, and this trend might lead to further challenges to Biya’s authority and an end to the regime’s oppressive rule.

Today, there is a growing concern and complexities surrounding the 2025 presidential elections.  The opposition is facing challenges in articulating a message that resonates with tribalists heading the Cameroon military and the National Gendarmerie.

The regime’s threats against key opposition leaders and parties underscores a broader disconnect between the government and the Cameroonian people.

As the Cameroonian population expresses its discontent, the Biya Francophone Beti Bulu regime finds itself at a critical juncture, with the legitimacy of the presidential elections coming up next year and its own authority increasingly under scrutiny.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

People knew her as the “mother of all” because of her kindness, softly spoken nature, and her bright and infectious smile. At work, she would make time to listen to junior colleagues and in the community, she supported the disadvantaged. Nana Abunaw Marie was a gentle and intelligent personality who made a difference during her more-than-forty years of public service and charitable work. She achieved several groundbreaking milestones in her career, including becoming the first female Administrator General of Prisons in Cameroon, the first female Commander of the National Advanced School of Penitentiary Administration, and retiring as the Inspector General of Services in the Ministry of Justice. Her retirement from an exceptional public service career in 2015 gave her the freedom and contentment to do the things she had always wanted to do—charity.

As the director of the National Penitentiary, General Nana had ethics, compassion and rehabilitation at the foundation of her organisation. She supported people of all backgrounds who came through the establishment. A keen listener and passionate worker, she encouraged her workforce to treat prisoners with compassion. Rehabilitation of offenders, not derision and abuse, was at the forefront of what she stood for. As she was keen on giving people a second chance, she urged prisoners to regard incarceration as a period of reflection and change.

In 1997, General Nana, as the Director of National Prisons, inherited a demoralized workforce, and an under-funded organization, in an ethical crisis. There was a constant round of reorganisation that was barely keeping pace with the country’s plummeting finances and growing prison population. In later life, she said, “in the prison service, the many efforts being made to improve the system were no better than rearranging the deckchairs on the sinking Titanic.”

The position of Inspector General of Services in the Ministry of Justices was a politically charged position that required wisdom, people skills and professionalism. On the one hand, she had to deal with state policies and the Minister of Justice, and on the other; she had to wrestle with her conscience and faith. Yet, her quiet determination, calm authority and hands-on approach prevented these pressure points from boiling over. General Nana made herself accessible to the presidency, ministers, junior colleagues and members of the public. She became known for responding rapidly to junior colleagues, members of the public, and inmates. She did not shy away from making tough decisions and working on programmes for victims of crimes to access justice and compensation.

After Mami Nana retired, she founded the Equity and Justice Prison Fellowship, a non-profit organisation to advocate for a restorative approach to justice, proportional punishment and a constructive and reformatory prison culture intended to give prisoners a second chance. Although she has been ill for over three years, she has kept attending meetings of her charitable organization and MOHWA conferences around the world. When asked about what many remember about her, they say she was “eloquent and a genuinely kind person.”

I am lucky enough to have met and spoken with her about many community subjects and projects at the MOHWA Europe Convention in Coventry, England, in August 2022. In our subsequent phone conversations, her steely determination to see a strong Manyu community at home and in the diaspora was evident. One of her greatest fears, she told me, was that the “Manyu community in the diaspora was growing weaker because of internal strife and this made her people weak as a force.”

Nana Abunaw Marie was born in Besongabang, Manyu Division, on the 29th of May 1953 to Pa Ako David Abunaw and Ma Clara Egbe Etchu Abunaw. She was the third of eleven children and attended Presbyterian Secondary School, Besongabang and CCAST, Bambili. Over the years, she recounted that the time she spent with her parents in a loving community impressed upon her the importance of education, compassion, discipline and hard work. She later credited the charitable work she did with prisoners and the vulnerable to her upbringing. General Nana Abunaw Marie died on the 8th of March, 2024, after a protracted illness. Her husband, Chief Justice Kwamu Nana, seven children, and ten grandchildren survive her.

Mami Nana Abunaw Marie was the very essence of compassion and duty. She was humanity at its best, an outstanding public servant and a standard bearer for the rights of the vulnerable. She was a person with a natural ability to make people feel at ease in her presence because she was just a special human being. Her love for humanity transmitted wherever she took her infectious smile and sparkle. The world is better because of this unique and irreplaceable life. She leaves the world a better place for having lived and all who had the great fortune of ever meeting her will miss her dearly. She leaves a lasting void in the Abunaw family and the global Manyu community. General Nana Abunaw Marie is not dead; she is asleep and resting in the Lord, for she was an angel.

Sessekou Isong Asu,

London, United Kingdom of Great Britain & Northern Ireland

Lies, fraud, deception and falsehoods have woven an intricate web within the fabric of the Francophone dominated Cameroon political society, with its so-called head of state, Paul Biya and his Beti-Bulu kinsmen spearheading a culture of shameless lying among political, judicial, and CPDM government officials.

To understand the roots of this pervasive dishonesty and its far-reaching consequences, both English and French speaking Cameroonians must agree that for 41 years, Biya and his ruling CPDM gang have unleashed a lying machine that disseminates misinformation from the highest-ranking officials to the smallest political, judicial, military and religious figures in the country. This culture of shameless lying extends its reach into domestic, foreign, football including religious issues without discrimination.  

Even as he begins to smell his last days on earth, Biya’s machinery of lies still persists and leaving no sector deep within the Cameroonian society untouched by this pervasive apparatus of deception.  

There are many prime examples of Biya’s questionable competence including Lake Nyos, SDF launch in Bamenda, State of Emergency, Yaoundé University Crisis, Nsam Fire Disaster, Mbanga-Mpondo Plane Crash, Murder of Bishop Balla, Captain Guerandi Affair, Ngarbuh Massacre and Covid 19. After 41 years, it is evidently clear that Biya and his Beti Bulu men and women were never equipped to navigate the complexities of the modern Cameroon.

Biya lies as he breaths and it has now become evident that deception is not merely a tool employed by his Beti-Bulu tribal political elites but a deeply ingrained element of the Cameroon political, social, and religious landscape. From the palace coup that ousted the late President Ahmadou Ahidjo to contemporary incidents like the brutal murder of the Roman Catholic Bishop of Bafia Mgr Jean-Benoît Bala and journalist Martinez Zogo, the intricate web of deceit seems to have no bounds.

Today in Yaoundé the nation’s capital, deception spans across all echelons of power and even respectable Southern Cameroonians like Peter Mafany Musonge, Dion Ngute and Philemon Yang are now engaged in a culture of shameless lying that extends beyond borders and domains, leaving citizens in a perpetual state of uncertainty and mistrust.

The controversy surrounding Minister Fame Ndongo’s recent assertion of Mvomeka’a as the biblical promise land adds another layer of complexity to the Cameroon political story. The potential implications of Fame Ndongo’s perceived divine connection of Mvomeka’a—President Biya’s place of birth and that of the Prince of Peace Jesus Christ, if left unaddressed, could lead to disastrous consequences.  

We of the Cameroon Concord News Group believe that the unraveling of deception within the ruling CPDM crime syndicate in Yaoundé demands a collective acknowledgment of the gravity of the issue and a commitment to fostering a society built on transparency, accountability, and truth. Only through a sincere reckoning with the realities at hand can the “United Republic of Cameroon” hope to overcome the shadows of deceit that have cast a long and enduring veil over its governance.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

In a realm plagued by corruption, deception, extortion, arbitrary arrest, and indiscriminate killings by the invading genocidal military of French Cameroun in Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia, Paul Biya’s government disguises its malevolence with a facade of benevolence. They manipulate media, suppress dissent, and exploit propaganda to portray themselves as saviours while committing genocide in Ambazonia and oppressing the citizens of French Cameroun. Behind the scenes, they prioritize personal gain over citizen’s welfare, sacrificing ethics for power, using the genocidal war in Ambazonia for their personal gains and exploiting their citizens with high cost of fuel and livelihood to retain in power the nonagenarian naked emperor Paul Biya and his government.

Here are a few of the massacres carried out under the orders of Paul Biya in Ambazonia. 25 May 20018 (Menka) at least 30 civilians massacred, 12 July 2018: Tiben Village (Batibo) Massacre. At least 20 killed, 7 August 2018: Pete-Bakundu Massacre. At least 12 killed, 17 October 2018: Bafia-Muyuka Massacre. At least 15 killed, 10 October 2019: Mutengene Massacre. At least a dozen killed, 14 February 2020: Ngarbuh Massacre. At least 30 killed, 1 March 2020: Babanki-Tungo Massacre. At least 20 killed, 19 August 2020: Tiko Massacre. About 10 killed, 24 October 2020: Mother Francisca Bilingual Academy Massacre in Fiango Kumba. About a dozen killed, 27 November 2020: Mavas Village (Manyu) Massacre. About 10 killed, 11 January 2021: Mautu Village Massacre. At least 41 killed, 2023: Egbekaw (Manyu) Massacre. About 40 killed. It should be noted that in every case the victims of the massacres included men, women, and children.

These statistics provided above are the minimum numbers since it is difficult to get an accurate count of all those massacres especially because of fear on the part of the local people to come out and declare that their relatives or neighbours have also been killed; and also, because the French Cameroun killers and their affiliate actors always conceal some of the bodies or otherwise dispose of them in mass graves. No independent investigator has been allowed to investigate these massacres and ascertain their full extent. However, the minimum numbers provided come from the body counts of those which could not be hidden. Most of those massacred were shot point blank range. A few others later succumbed to gunshot wounds they had received.

The French Cameroun government’s actions are poison to its people, leading to a society driven by fear, disillusionment, and poverty. There are no jobs, the country’s infrastructure is collapsing, and the population is without drinking water which are the basics that a responsible government must provide to its people. There is no hope and future for the country’s youths because of the sleepy, tired, septuagenarians, octogenarians and nonagenarians who are ruling French Cameroun with impunity.

French Cameroun is presenting the African Union’s vote for its candidate as a victory for French Cameroun and that its candidate will indeed chair the United Nation General Assembly (UNGA) in September. Apart from developments in that failed state that could prevent this from happening, there are two other points to bear in mind.

French Cameroun did not beat South Africa in any vote. What happened is that South Africa withdrew. South Africa withdrew because it concluded that a South African candidate may not be voted in the General Assembly by states angered by the fact that it instituted genocide proceedings against Israel. Another reason could be French Cameroun used what it knows best using boxes of cash and taking advantage of South Africa’s case against Israel to lure their candidate to withdraw.

The African Union agreeing on the candidate of French Cameroun is not the end of the selection of the chairperson of the next session of the UNGA. And it is not a foregone conclusion that Philemon Yang will be the chairperson come September. There is still a vote to be conducted within the UNGA itself. Although the Assembly had decided that the chair would this time come from Africa, there would still be a secret ballot on an African candidate. The vote could demonstrate that Philemon Yang is not suitably qualified, in which case the African bloc would be requested to propose another candidate. Also, another African country could propose a candidate who would then compete with Yang and probably win. Although there is an African Union-approved candidate, nothing prevents some African countries at the United Nation from voting differently, especially if they think there is another African country with better and stronger credentials.

But, why Philemon Yang from Bui County like me? Remember that Philemon Yang performed so badly as French Cameroun’s ‘ambassador’ for 20 years in Canada and he was the laughingstock within the diplomatic community. He was Biya’s errand boy in Canada. He was so inefficient and so ineffective; a dismal standard he continued to display when Biya made him assistant Secretary General at the Presidency, with the rank of minister, from 2004 to 2009, so-called prime Minister. Yang’s under-performance is so well known that it’s very unlikely the UN will allow itself to be inflicted the agony of such an under-performing man to preside a session of the UNGA and pretend and push the narrative that Cameroun is one and indivisible. But we have never been one. We are two states of equal status.

Apart from Yang’s legendary mediocrity, there is also the fact that Biya is universally despised, even in Africa. He is despised because he is a crooked old man. He has a history as a serial murderer and abuser of power. He revels in deep corruption, violence, disrespect for the law and the rule of law. He is notorious for egregious human rights abuse. He leads an extravagant life at the expense of his wretched compatriots. He is fake and fraudulent.

Why must our country be bound in some way or another to French Cameroun? French Cameroun did not respect the federation between our two countries and it made it clear that they saw it only as a stepping stone to the annexation of Southern Cameroons.  Every and any agreement between the Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun is like an agreement between a sheep and a wolf. Only a miracle will make a wolf to respect the sheep. Should we continue to voluntarily place ourselves at the mercy of the cruel and uncivilised barbarians of French Cameroun? Are we constitutionally defective that we cannot even see our own betterment and fight for it since freedom is not given but taken? In the beauty of our diversity, the willing amongst us, the never again generation are making this happen.

French Cameroun has made its agenda clear, which is the eternal enslavement of the people of Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia through annexation and assimilation. French Cameroun’s political leaders like Kamto use the same playbook. So, anyone proposing anything that requires an agreement for the Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia to have some link with French Cameroun should let us know when French Cameroun renounces its agenda of annexation and assimilation and how would we get French Cameroun to live by any agreements.

Elites, some Ambazonians businessmen and scholars use their own money and minds to buy slavery for themselves. Should we let the Foncha and Muna syndrome to continue? The never again generation will never be afraid of owning our own country or afraid of our freedom. We will sing our own anthem, (Ambazonia Land of Freedom, we will live in plenty meeting our needs, our children shall be like the stars…) We will live under our own laws, flying our own flag, being the owners of our own destiny.

God Bless the Federal Republic of Ambazonia.

Dabney Yerima

Vice President

The Federal Republic of Ambazonia

On February 14, 2020, Cameroonian soldiers and armed ethnic Fulani raided Ngarbuh, a village in Cameroon’s North-West province, killing at least 21 civilians, including 13 children and a pregnant woman, and burning and looting homes. It was a brutal day that shocked even those who had long become numb to increasing violence in the region.

The attack was a reprisal against the local community, which was suspected of harboring separatist fighters. The massacre followed a pattern of military abuse against civilians in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions, where for over the last eight years security forces have clashed with armed separatists—themselves responsible for attacks on civilians—who are fighting for independence for the country’s minority English-speaking population.

The government initially denied its security forces were responsible for the massacre, describing allegations against them as fake and launching a smear campaign against rights groups and media who exposed the killings. In March 2020, only after national and international pressure, authorities established a commission of inquiry, which found that the military attempted to cover up their actions and identified three security force members as responsible for the killings. In June 2020, the government announced that the three had been arrested and charged with murder.

In December 2020, a trial opened before a military court in Cameroon’s capital Yaoundé, marking an important step towards accountability for the massacre. However, the trial has dragged on and been marred by irregularities. Hearings have been postponed multiple times, victims’ families have minimal participation in the proceedings, and the court has refused to admit key evidence, including death certificates. Senior officers have not been arrested or charged.

During the last real hearing on the massacre on November 16, 2023, witnesses did speak, and some investigative reports were presented. But since then, the trial has been postponed three times, casting doubt on the ability of the military judicial system to deliver accountability for military abuse. It is scheduled to restart this week.

This trial provides a rare opportunity for justice not only for Ngarbuh’s victims, but for all those who have suffered from military abuse during the crisis in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions. With yet another hearing on the horizon, now is the time for judicial authorities to avoid further delays and commit to deliver justice.

Culled from Human Rights Watch

Elections even under the one-party state in the days of President Ahmadou Ahidjo stood as the cornerstone of government establishment and security, grounded in the foundational principle of freedom. However, immediately Mr. Paul Biya took office in 1982, Cameroon’s electoral landscape suddenly became a distressing narrative and today; the nation is grappling with the erosion of democratic principles.

Cameroon’s electoral landscape is presently marked by an alarming descent into undemocratic practices, reflecting the diminishing scope of power within the ruling gang in Yaoundé.

The last presidential elections reportedly won by the MRC candidate Professor Maurice Kamto brought an unprecedented chill, casting a nightmarish shadow over the Cameroonian nation.

Biya and his consortium of crime syndicate stole Maurice Kamto’s victory.  Today, the inherent conflict between the political structures in the Francophone dominated Republic of Cameroon and the fundamental right to choose is amplifying existing political and tribal divisions and above all, it is transforming elections into both a mockery and a tragic spectacle.

Since 1992, manipulation of the ballot box remains a persistent issue and with this, certain CPDM hardliners are actively seeking the replacement of the 91-year-old Paul Biya with his son-Franck Biya. Widespread protests and societal struggles are also pushing the Francophone regime to tighten its grip on power and surprising even against those within the system.

Legitimacy which is the foundation of governmental power all over the globe is now facing a crisis as the Yaoundé government’s choices in portraying it keeps backfiring. The massacre of thousands of innocent Southern Cameroonians and the humiliation suffered by renowned Beti Bulu political elites in the Kondengui Maximum Security Prison has permanently affixed a cursed emblem of destroyers of humanity to the Biya Francophone Beti Ewondo regime, tarnishing its global image. Yaounde’s attempt to establish legitimacy through strategic maneuvers in staged elections, rushing the malaria vaccines and deceptive military deployments in the Central African Republic is now raising further concerns.

The recent recruitment of hundreds of Beti, Bulu and Ewondo students into the public service via ENAM, IRIC and the National Police Corp disappointed many, including Anglophone, Hausa and Fulani moderates deep within the ruling CPDM party. The whole public service recruitment process raises questions about the inclusivity and representativeness of the so-called regional balance, especially considering the diverse political spectrum within the already divided Cameroon.

For over 41 years, Cameroon has been struggling for democracy amidst a complex electoral landscape. The erosion of democratic principles, internal strife, and manipulation of the ballot box, legitimacy crisis, and questions of inclusivity paint a vivid picture of the challenges faced by the nation.

As the disappointments echo among some Biya loyalists who are moderates, the enthusiasm of the public to participate in the electoral process is dampened, reflecting a growing disillusionment.

In Yaounde the nation’s capital, the essence of democracy seems to be slipping away, replaced by factional strife deep within the ruling party and suppression of dissent.

As the world watches, Cameroon is standing at a critical juncture, where its citizens are slowly but surely calling on the military to take action. The future of the Cameroonian nation is indeed marked by uncertainties and complexities that demand careful navigation.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Paul Biya, the founder of La Republique du Cameroun from the defunct United Republic of Cameroon has set many cruel precedents in Yaoundé. Many of his fake rigour and moralization teachings are still being carried out today and according to one prominent Cameroonian academic, staying faithful to Paul Biya’s ruling party have been the litmus test for all political activity in Cameroon in the last 41 years.

Therefore, as Biya is painfully approaching a disgraceful end after stifling the United Republic of Cameroon, we of both the Cameroon Concord News and the Cameroon Intelligence Report have come to the conclusion that 41 years of death, destruction, and corruption are his legacy.

Paul Biya was born in Mvomeka’a some few kilometers from Yaoundé the nation’s capital and was known as a religious man before November 6, 1982 when he took office. This was at the time when most Cameroonians had a deep respect for Roman Catholic clerics and Roman Catholic institutions.

After the 1986 April 6 coup that was carried out by the Hausas of the Nord who are predominantly Muslims, Biya and millions of other Cameroonians viewed this as an attack on Christianity and on a Christian leader. After the coup, hundreds of Hausa army soldiers were killed.

But the evilest precedent set by Biya was the destruction of the United Republic of Cameroon and the chasing away of Dr John Ngu Foncha and S.T. Muna from Yaoundé. This was to place the country under the guardianship of the Francophone political elite and the Francophone military commanders. And of course, Paul Biya installed himself as the all-powerful Monarch of Cameroon.

When he took power from Ahmadou Ahidjo, Biya expressed support for human rights and patriotism.

“I was born a Cameroonian, I live a Cameroonian and I shall die a Cameroonian,” he said.

Biya won the support of the masses both in French and Southern Cameroons who were disenchanted with the Ahmadou Ahidjo regime by promising them a popularly elected government that would represent the people of English and French Cameroun.

He won the support of Anglophones in the North West region and opined that outside Yaoundé, Bamenda was his second home. He created his ruling CPDM party in Bamenda, staged his Agro-Pastoral Show again in Bamenda and was rewarded with the title of Fon of Fons. These were all calculated political schemes aimed at fanning the flames of the North West/South West Divide and skillfully stealing the leadership of the nation from the founding fathers of the KNDP. Joseph Owona who is presently in Hell was his operations manager.

So, once in power, he showed his true colors as the Fon of Fons. He took a firm line against Anglophone dissent, warning Southern Cameroonians of his theocracy of a forthcoming crackdown.

Biya rose to power on an anti-French platform that was put in place by President Ahidjo but used the 1986 coup to chase away all anti French sentiments deep within the government. Many believe the real reasons behind the 1986 coup was to strengthen Paul Biya’s hand in power to suppress the voices of Anglophone dissent as he and his Francophone political elites geared to start a systematic policy of marginalization and suppression.

The first victim of the coup was Prime Minister Bello Bouba Maigari. He resigned his position as prime minister in protest to the killing of hundreds of Hausa service men and as an acknowledgement that he no longer had the trust of the head of state.

Economically, the total disregard for the livelihood conditions of Cameroonians is one of Paul Biya’s many destructive legacies, and after 41 years, he has left more than 80% of Cameroonians in poverty.

After the so-called wind of change and the emergence of Ni John Fru Ndi, dissident groups were allowed to freely voice their opinion for some few years. After that, Biya indicated that he had zero tolerance for anyone who opposed his despotic rule.

In 1990, he targeted the city of Bamenda as the epicenter of opposition to his rule and carried out what was known as a “State of Emergence”. Under his orders, the regime initially placed the SDF Chairman Ni John Fru Ndi and his top aides under house arrest and banned public rallies in Anglophone Cameroon. Today, political meetings are still under the tight control of the regime.

Biya and his gang speak democracy but whoever adds democracy to La Republique du Cameroun’s political vocabulary is an enemy. To Biya, all those advocating for a Sovereign National Conference are citizens who are trying to bring corruption and destruction to the nation and should be oppressed.

Biya has broken the pens of all the patriotic news papers, closed down all the patriotic magazines and press and put their editors in jail. No one outside his Beti-Bulu tribal extraction is allowed to even state their existence. For 41 years, Cameroon under Biya is indeed a one party state.  

With support from successive French governments in Paris, Biya is not afraid of anything! At 91, he is going forward in his path and not bothered whether Cameroonians call him a dictator or say that he opposes freedom. And that is exactly what he is doing.

Feeling threatened by Anglophone dissent against his absolute rule, Biya has executed several of his jailed political opponents including supporters of the Southern Cameroons Restoration Forces.

Francophone military leaders who are making the decisions on the war in Southern Cameroons do not hesitate, nor show any doubt or be concerned with details. They always try to be most ferocious against the people of English speaking Cameroon. And with this, in less than seven years, around 20,000 English speaking Southern Cameroonians have been killed. A sea of prominent progressive Francophone political prisoners and opponents of the regime are still hanged in Yaoundé and Douala prisons.

Shortly after assuming power, Biya began investing in the Sub Saharan region using corrupt made in Yaoundé business tycoons such James Onobiono, Amougou Belinga and Engo Desire who headed the National Social Insurance Fund. Biya wanted to expand his control into Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Chad, Central African Republic and Congo-Brazzaville due to it’s largely Beti, Bulu and Fang population.

To this day, Biya spends billions of FCFA on his policy of meddling in neighboring countries and in French politics as well. This CEMAC policy brings nothing but death, destruction, and poverty to the Cameroonian people.

Biya is now calling the war in Southern Cameroons a blessing from his ancestors for the mere fact that nearly all French speaking Cameroonians have rallied behind him on lame and ridiculous reason that he is preserving the territorial integrity of the nation.

The 7 year war has devastated more than 105 Southern Cameroons villages, demolished several Southern Cameroons towns with 1.5 million displaced people.

The Captain Guerandi affair openly and officially revealed that Biya and his agents have showed his utter disregard for all international laws.

Biya will die soonest and many ordinary Cameroonians both in La Republique du Cameroun and Southern Cameroons will rejoiced upon his death.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Yaoundé, the nation’s capital is currently hosting a 91-year-old figurehead known as the “head of state,” Paul Biya. Biya commands a reputation of unrelenting tyranny, orchestrating several internal suppressions and also fostering instability throughout Southern Cameroons. His regime’s genocidal campaign in Southern Cameroons has sown discord and has earned Biya global recognition as a heartless dictator.

Cameroon is reeling under a ruthless crackdown on dissent, political assassinations are reinforcing the image of a despotic ruler and allegations of the regime’s secret service killing of journalists is underscoring Biya’s oppressive tactics, painting him as an adversary to the Cameroonian people.

The Biya Francophone inhumane acts including his recent appointment of the late Professor Joseph Owona’s son as rector of the University of Yaoundé are perceived as strategies to maintain power for his ruling Beti-Bulu tribes while plunging the nation into a dark and shameful era. Despite this oppressive climate, various segments of the Cameroonian society including the Holy Roman Catholic Church persist in their pursuit of freedom and justice. Their resistance, though challenged, serves as a testament to their unwavering commitment to a fairer society.

Several damning reports by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International offers a chilling glimpse into Biya’s brutal tactics, particularly in targeting and torturing Southern Cameroons detainees. These revelations highlight the depth of the Yaoundé regime’s atrocities and demand urgent international attention and accountability for these gross human rights violations.

Revelations about staggering corruption, exemplified by the looting of billions of CFA Franc by top military barons, shed light on the pervasive corruption entrenched within the government. This corruption, compounded by repression, crime, and ongoing looting, reflects the dire need for a regime change in Yaoundé and immediate introduction of democratic and rights-based governance.

Liberation can only come through a shift to a new United Republic of Cameroon—one that respects human rights and democratic principles. The only plausible solution appears to be the overthrow of this Biya regime, get Cameroonians out of darkness and misery, and usher in an era of freedom and progress.

The oppressive grip of the Biya Franceophone Beti Bulu regime has cast a shadow over Cameroon, perpetuating a narrative of tyranny, corruption, and human rights abuses. Despite the regime’s iron-fisted tactics, the resilience and unwavering commitment of segments of Cameroonian society to justice and freedom stand as a beacon of hope in the face of adversity.

The recent journalist Martinez Zogo affair underscores the urgent need for systemic change—one free from the shackles of oppression and corruption.

The journey toward liberation may be arduous, but the determination of the Cameroonian populace to strive for a just and free society remains unyielding. The world’s attention must remain focused on the plight of both French and English speaking Cameroonians and their quest for fundamental rights, ensuring that their voices resonate on the global stage and demanding accountability for the egregious violations committed under Biya’s rule.

By Isong Asu

Cameroon Concord News Group

London Bureau Chief

The Biya Francophone Beti Ewondo regime in Yaoundé is in its 41-year plus in power amid a sea of broken political, economic and social promises.

Biya was ushered in with grandiose promises of economic prosperity and stability for the United Republic of Cameroon. However, after 41 years, it has become painfully evident that the so-called University of Sorbonne graduate remains a prominent and successful failure and his rigour and moralization policies have also been unfulfilled and has left Cameroon a divided nation with an economy that is in a state of continuous deterioration.

In his New Year address to the nation, Biya and his gang simply plagiarized his past speeches and the 2024 presentation to the people of Cameroon was an empty economic promise unveiled by a 91-year-old grand dad who should be in a care home in Mvomeka’a.

For 41 years, the Francophone dictator and his Francophone dominated regime have presented an array of promises spanning domestic and international matters, raising hopes for a brighter economic future in both French and English speaking Cameroon. Unfortunately, the passage of time has revealed these promises to be empty and baseless, perpetuating a shameful, disgusting and disheartening trend within the Biya administration. The Biya regime politics is all about money, women and sex including sponsoring irresponsible children in funny academic institutions abroad.

Nothing good can be attributed to Mr. Biya and his government. Immediately after Joseph Dion Ngute was appointed Prime Minister and Head of Government, Yaoundé told the world that the new Dion Ngute administration would bring down inflation. It was the same story with all the numerous Southern Cameroons prime ministers: Peter Mafany Musonge, Inoni Ephraim, and Philemon Yang.  However, the harsh reality is that inflation is skyrocketing and escalating and Cameroonians are dying like flies.  

Low-income households in both French and English speaking Cameroon have borne the brunt of Biya’s 41 years of economic failures, with housing rents and essential food items experiencing the most significant price hikes.

We of the Cameroon Intelligence Report and the Cameroon Concord News are of the opinion that the most important outcome of the 41-year rule of the Biya administration has been the collapse of the Cameroonian society with medical doctors now telling us that HIV is like malaria.

The French have been helping the Yaoundé regime to manage its budget deficit by printing money and borrowing from French financial establishments. The Biya government and by extrapolation-the Cameroonian people after 41-years actually owe the French thousands of billions of dollars.

For 41-years, Cameroonians have gone through everything name them: escalating prices, devaluation of the FCFA, Lake Nyos, Eseka train disaster, poverty, disease, genocides, Nsam fire disaster, diminishing incomes, rapes, political assassinations, rigged elections and by some strange happenstance, none of these ills fueled public discontent against Biya in French Cameroun.

For 41-years, Biya has continuously appointed his Beti-Bulu kinsmen who lack qualifications and experience to key positions. This questionable decision-making has undeniably contributed to the worsening economic situation in both French and English speaking Cameroon and has encouraged many who had hoped for competent leadership to leave the country. This begs the question: For how long are we going to continue watching these Francophone criminals destroy our future generation?  

The stark reality is that all of the political, economic and social promises made when Biya took office on November 6, 1982 remain unfulfilled.  Addressing these challenges will require not only a new and effective leadership but also a commitment to transparency, accountability, and competent governance.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai