1, April 2026
New Testament pastors in the Presbyterian Church in Cameroon 0
The mess left behind by Rev Dr Samuel Forba Fonki during his time as moderator of the Presbyterian Church in Cameroon (PCC) is now amplifying with questions about the public image of protestant clerics becoming increasingly relevant.
Before Samuel Forba Fonki emerged as moderator, the PCC had a very rich tradition that emphasized modesty, humility and spiritual focus. As a prominent and successful failure, Rev. Fonki reportedly left behind a sinful PCC which has prompted Christians and many religious observers to raise concerns about the complete and total shift in how certain pastors from rich congregations of the PCC present themselves especially in matters of dress and outward style.
It is shameful, disgusting and disgraceful for a church like the PCC rooted in reformed theology to allow its pastors to now appear like Sammy Diko and Longue Longue.
The pastor’s role in the Presbyterian Church in Cameroon is to point beyond themselves—to Christ, to Scripture and to the life of faith. When a pastor’s personal appearance begins to draw disproportionate attention as seen on the photo attached to this editorial, it risks distracting from that central mission. Being a pastor is not a celebrity contest and the pastor is not a performer.
This Cameroon Concord Group editorial is not a call for rigid uniformity or the denial of cultural expression. A pastor’s dress can reflect dignity, context, and even joy. But there is a great distinction between attire that honors the sacred responsibility of God’s ministry and attires that risk blurring the line between spiritual leadership and spectacle. When that holy line becomes unclear, Christians may begin to question whether the focus remains on worship or has subtly shifted toward personality and display.
PCC ministers are all aware that pastoral leadership speaks of restraint, integrity, and a quiet confidence rooted in calling rather than appearance. Correspondingly, pastors deep within the Presbyterian Church in Cameroon should and must not only communicate in words but also in presentation.
The Presbyterian Church in Cameroon, like other living institutions, must continuously reflect on how its pastors embody its values in a changing political and social landscape. That reflection is healthiest when it is honest, charitable, and anchored in the shared desire to preserve the integrity of the PCC’s mission.
To this I put my name
Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

















2, April 2026
Pope Leo XIV in Cameroon-The “Ambazonia crisis” in Southern Cameroons 0
Bamenda, the capital of Cameroon’s Northwest Region, which Pope Leo XIV will visit on April 16, is at the heart of the so-called “Anglophone crisis” that has shaken the country since 2016.
The origins of the crisis date back to the colonial era. A former colony of Wilhelmine Germany, Cameroon was divided in two at the end of World War I: one under British mandate and the other under French mandate. The French-speaking part became independent in 1960, while the English-speaking part in 1961. The latter, through a referendum, decided to join French-speaking Cameroon. In 1961, the Federal Republic of Cameroon was proclaimed, uniting territories with different languages and administrative practices. Federalism was abandoned in 1972 in favor of a unitary state. As a result, Cameroon’s English-speaking population felt increasingly marginalized and feared the disappearance of its legal and cultural distinctiveness.
The Anglophone crisis began in 2016 with a strike by lawyers and teachers who opposed the appointment of Francophone judges in Anglophone regions. The demonstrations were repressed by the Cameroonian government and were followed by episodes of violence.
In October 2017, Anglophone separatists proclaimed the Republic of Ambazonia (referring to Ambazonia Bay), thus formalizing their secessionist aspirations.
Since then, a conflict has erupted with a devastating human cost. Both sides in the war are using education as a weapon.
In Cameroon, public education is a prerogative of the state. Therefore, when attacking schools, armed groups are primarily targeting the symbol of a state institution. Schools, in particular, embody the flashpoints of the crisis, especially the language issue. French and English are the two official languages and enjoy equal status. However, French is used far more than English, thus fueling a sense of marginalization among Anglophone Cameroonians. Teaching and educational programs are, in principle, bilingual, even in Anglophone areas, something that is not accepted by the most radical separatists.
Since 2017, more than 700,000 children have been forced to drop out of school. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), more than 1.5 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance in the Anglophone regions. OCHA also estimates that at least 334,098 people have been internally displaced by the violence in the two regions, while more than 76,493 have sought refuge in Nigeria. Both separatists and government forces have perpetrated targeted attacks against health facilities and humanitarian workers, severely reducing access to medical care and forcing several international humanitarian organizations to suspend their operations.
Furthermore, the conflict has degenerated into a veritable criminal industry based primarily on kidnappings for extortion. Under the pretext of financing the independence cause, criminal gangs abduct ordinary people, demanding sums of money from their families in exchange for their release. But the kidnappings also have a political objective: they are abductions aimed at silencing women in particular, since they often play a crucial role in conflict resolution in Cameroon’s traditional and tribal societies.
The latest available data is from 2024, with 450 kidnapping cases recorded. Among those abducted are also priests. It is worth recalling the kidnapping of the late Cardinal Christian Tumi, Archbishop Emeritus of Douala, in 2020 who had expressed his willingness to mediate between the government and the separatists.
Furthermore, the separatists, known as the “Amba Boys,” have imposed a monthly “revolutionary tax” on the local population: 10,000 CFA francs (15 euros) for men and 5,000 CFA francs (7.50 euros) for women.
In this situation, the Church community continues its work of evangelization despite numerous difficulties, and Catholic institutions and representatives are striving to play a mediating role. In a statement sent to Fides, Andrew Nkea Fuanya, Archbishop of Bamenda, affirmed: “The Church has not taken sides with either the separatists or the government precisely so that it can offer its mediation services. Despite the violence, in the Archdiocese of Bamenda I have not closed any parishes nor have I fled. I engage in dialogue with both the government and the separatists in the constant search for the path to peace.”
Source: Agenzia Fides