20, August 2019
Ambazonia-Yaounde Military Tribunal gate: Irrelevant Parody of Justice 0
The politically motivated life sentences slammed on Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and nine Ambazonian leaders by a Court-martial in Cameroun with the complicity of the government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is one more unfortunate example of the militarization of justice, civil and political rights in African through inter-state terror. The ten victims, who were in Nigeria under the protection of international law, were abducted from a hotel in Abuja Nigeria in a coordinated operation carried out by Nigeria and Cameroun intelligence and paramilitary operatives. A Federal High Court in Abuja, Nigeria has since decided that the abduction and rendition of these victims was illegal and violated the Nigerian constitution and international law and ordered the return to Nigeria of the abductees; a decision, the Nigerian government has so far ignored.
The entire operation leading to this Cameroun staged night judicial terror is a slur on the rule of law credentials and constitutional governance of Nigeria and Cameroun. It provides cattle fodder for the validation of the criticism made by an increasing number of observers that the two countries may be paying lip-service to the supposed fight against Boko Haram in which the international community has deployed extensive resources. Going by the interstate abduction and court-martial of these victims in a night judicial ritual, a method allegedly used by Boko Haram in its operations, could this hydra-headed monster so-called Boko Haram not be but a stealth interstate ruse used to create instability to justify political brigandage and the corrupt externalization of political power relying on international resources and support? Why will supposed sovereign nations prefer interstate terror to the international rule of law in the conduct of international relations?
This irrelevant parody of justice against Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and Southern Cameroons leaders is about ten individuals. It is about the consequences in Nigeria, La Republique du Cameroun and Africa of the legitimization of abduction and state terror as alternatives to the international rule of law. The international community must make a strong statement condemning this travesty and judicial brigandage and seek the unconditional release of these victims. Its indifference may unfortunately be construed as a tacit validation of impunity in an explosive region where violence is not a rare commodity.
No one should be under the illusion, that the impugned court-martial process and its outcome is a victory for French Cameroun or Nigeria that collaborated in it. It is an international symbol of shame for the two countries and a validation of the just claims of the Southern Cameroons to sovereignty and freedom. The ten did not present the case of the independence of the Southern Cameroons by violent means. At their abduction, they were merely articulating the claims which the Southern Cameroons have strenuously presented for the past fifty-seven years, at the United Nations, at home and worldwide. Rather than seek dialogue to resolve the conflict, Cameroun declared war with impunity, hoping to subdue the aggrieved people of the Southern Cameroons through genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The Nigeria government which Africa and the world relied on to mediate in this and other African disputes, decided to throw its support to the government of French Cameroun in the mistaken belief that the abduction of these victims would end the crisis! By its own miscalculation, Nigeria, lost an opportunity to oversee a peaceful solution to a potentially protracted conflict in its own backyard.
Ambazonia is an albatross on the neck of the Republic of Cameroun which will loosen its grip only when Ambazonia is fully liberated. The life sentences only extend the duration and complexity of the conflict which neither the present leaders of Cameroun or Nigeria will be around to see how it plays out. May be only their progeny, may as fate often does, have the chance to have glimpses of these victims when they will be liberated to partake in the celebration of an independent and free neighbouring Ambazonia. The night justice of shame will not define the cause they stand for. The sustained resistance, self-defense and the unbreakable will and resolve of a people who have craved for justice with peace plants, memoranda to the UN and the international community, their precious blood and the eternal conscience of humanity will determine the outcome of this conflict and not conspiratorial carnage, terror and the arrogance of ephemeral power of a frail failing dictatorship. For this reason, by imposing the so-called life sentences and other coercive conditions of life on Southern Cameroons captives, they might in this occasion, have put their own poisoned portions on their own lips and that of their nation.
By Chief Charles A.Taku
26, August 2019
What it would take to break the impasse in Cameroon’s deadly crisis 0
Felix Agbor Balla Nkongho is a leading Cameroonian lawyer and award-winning human rights advocate. Nkongho was detained for nine months for taking part in protests against the marginalisation of the legal and education systems in the English-speaking regions of Cameroon. The Francophone government responded with deadly violence marked by gross human rights violations. Nkongho (49) visited South Africa earlier this month to create awareness about the crisis in his country. He fielded questions from Cheryl Hendricks and Gabriel Ngah.
What is the nature and the causes of the conflict in the English-speaking regions of Cameroon?
The main cause is dissatisfaction among the English-speaking people of the south west and north west regions with the state of the Union between La Republique du Cameroun (Republic of Cameroon) and British Southern Cameroons. That Union came into being in 1961 when British Southern Cameroons opted to join La Republique du Cameroun, rather than the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
In the course of this Union, the English-speaking people have suffered gross marginalisation in all spheres of life. They have been treated as second-class citizens by the Francophone government in Yaoundé.
In 2016, the disgruntlement escalated into a full-blown conflict. This came after the government ignored Anglophone lawyers’ and teachers grievances about the erosion of the Anglophone education and legal systems in favour of Francophone systems and practices.
Over the years, there has been a deliberate effort by the Francophone administration to erase the federal structure of the state and assimilate – or annihilate – the English-speaking parts.
The arrest of the leaders of the civil society organisation, Anglophone Consortium in 2017, worsened the situation. People in Anglophone regions rose in protest, demanding their release, and an end to Anglophone marginalisation.
The response by the government of President Paul Biya was brutal, marked by massive killings and arbitrary arrests. Civilians responded by creating self-defence armed groups. These later morphed into the Ambazonia Restoration Forces that are today clamouring for outright independence or separation from Cameroon.
What are the key demands and government responses?
The key demands of Southern Cameroonian activists are either a return to the two state federation of 1961, or to be granted outright independence. The United Nations (UN) denied their quest for autonomy in 1961. Instead, it granted them conditional independence by joining either La Republique du Cameroun or the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This was contrary to UN Trusteeship law.
The birth of the Southern Cameroon National Council in the 1990s kept the quest for an independent Southern Cameroons alive, in line with its status in 1961.
The government rejects calls for separation and maintains that decentralisation is the best option in a one and indivisible Cameroon.
The government reacted to teachers’ and lawyers’ demands by creating the common law section at the National School of Magistracy, and transferred some French-speaking teachers from English schools. It also announced the employment of 1000 bilingual teachers, implemented a timid transfer of French-speaking magistrates from English courts, and created a Bilingualism Commission to
These measures have failed to address the root causes of the crisis and remain unsatisfactory.
What is the international response?
There have not been any significant measures to address gross human rights violations from regional or international powers. As a result, people continue to be killed and their property and homes destroyed with impunity by state security forces. Population displacements continue on a massive scale.
The Anglophone crisis remains one of the most neglected crises in the 21st century, with more than 2 000 people killed and hundreds of homes burnt. More than 50 000 Cameroonian refugees are expected to be registered in Nigeria by the end of the year. Schools have been shut down for three years now.
Thankfully, humanitarian organisations, including UN agencies, are providing life-saving assistance to displaced people and others in need. But humanitarian assistance has not addressed the causes of the crises.
Recently, the European Union took the lead with a resolutionencouraging the parties to initiate dialogue.
Also, the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights visited Cameroon in May 2019 and called for an investigation into the violation of human rights. She too urged inclusive dialogue that takes the root causes of the conflict into account. Additionally, the United States Congress has passed a resolution expressly calling for a return to a federal system of government in Cameroon.
The US and Germany have withdrawn their military cooperation with Cameroon in protest at the human rights violations.
Unfortunately, a mediation initiative led by a Swiss humanitarian organisation between the government and the separatists appears to have failed to deescalate the crisis. On the whole, calls for an all-inclusive dialogue without preconditions have fallen on deaf ears.
What should be done to achieve a peaceful resolution of the conflict?
First, the government should withdraw its soldiers to their barracks and stop acts of violence. This could be followed by declaring a ceasefire and urging separatist fighters to stop attacks on military positions in Anglophone regions. The government should also release all people it has detained.
Second, regional and international players should pressure the Biya government to create an environment for dialogue through diplomatic channels. If this fails, economic and other sanctions should be imposed against the government.
Finally, the UN needs to set up a political mission in Cameroon with a mandate to resolve the Anglophone crisis.
What role can South Africa – as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council – play?
South Africa can contribute by championing a resolution for the Security Council to trigger direct UN intervention under its charter.
South Africa could also ask the International Court of Justice to determine whether the conditional granting of independence to Southern Cameroons complied with the UN Trusteeship law, and to remedy any lapses.
Culled from The Conversation