Many Cameroonians have surely watched the video the former Mayor of Mamfe, Ayuk Takunchong, and his con-man, recorded yesterday in Mamfe in a bid to impress senior members of the crime syndicate known as the CPDM.

While the video is intended to give the impression that Mamfe has been recovered from the Amba boys, there is a sub-text that must be taken seriously.

The video is a clear demonstration of how frustrated Mr. Ayuk Takunchong has become. He had been promised that he would be made a senator and this made him to stay out of the race for the Mamfe City Hall.

Mr. Takunchong has his eye on a senatorial position in Yaoundé, but things do not seem to be falling in place.

The country’s president and the crime syndicate chairman, Paul Biya, has the prerogative of appointing 30% of the country’s senators and this was used as a solid argument to lure Mr. Takunchong from the Mamfe City Hall.

His appointment, his godfathers said, was a reward for all the heavy lifting he had done for the ruling party, but what he did not know was that Biya hardly reacted very fast and that sometimes, before he appoints anybody, that person will have to go through a series of financial disappointments and frustration with the system that has helped to take the person from grass to grace.

Mr. Takunchong is already running out of money and patience. Since leaving the Mamfe City Hall, the flamboyant mayor who spots a pot belly has not earned a dime. He has begun feeling the financial heat and this is pushing him into all the acting that was seen in the video.

Mr. Biya is a very good political tactician. He does not just appoint people because they need the appointments. He needs people who can continue to defend his fake ideology within academic and intellectual circles. The CPDM political ideology is hated and despised by the majority of the country’s population so the party needs very sharp spin doctors who can help to give the dying party facelift.

Ayuk Takunchong lacks what it takes to do such a heavy duty job. He is good for the rural areas where he can easily intimidate the hungry and desperate rural population.

Besides, if he has to be appointed as a senator, then Chief George Tabetando, one of the many senate vice presidents has to die or be fired by the president.

But Senator George Tabetando is not in rush to leave this planet. Like his colleague, Niat Njifenji, the senate president, Tabetando has taken all the necessary measures to be around again for a long time.

Chief and Senator Tabetando is only 77 years old and by Cameroon’s standards, he is a very young man. He therefore still has a lot of gas in his tank; that will take him for at least ten years. 

This implies that Mr. Takunchong will either be patient for a long time or he has to look for a way to eliminate Chief Senator Tabetando to take his place. His ridiculous and unpleasant video was a coded message to the Yaoundé government, reminding it of the financial storm that was coming his way.

Chief Tabetando does not drink. He has never smoked and he eats only organic food which implies that he will not be leaving this planet anytime soon. This is a man who eats mostly roasted cocoyams with plums. At his age, he is a picture of health despite the pressure brought onto him by Amba fighters who have fired him from his position as the chief of Bachou Ntai.

Mr. Takunchong is facing bleak and stormy days ahead. All promises made to him are unfortunately not falling into place. The heat is on and the once flamboyant mayor is now dealing with nightmares and sleepless nights.

The financial fountain has been turned off and if something is not done in the months ahead, Mr. Takunchong who is in the crosshairs of the Amba boys might have to make peace with his arch enemies just for him to know some peace of mind.

Senator Tabetando is in real trouble. Takunchong needs his position, but since he has no plan to die soon, this might create a serious conflict between them.

However, Chief Tabetando has a choice. He could negotiate with Biya to find something for Takunchong who is already feeling the financial heat while waiting for the day he will die.

Takunchong will surely run out of patience. Death does not seem to target old people in government. Biya himself and Niat Njifenji are all resisting death and there is no sign that Chief Tabetando will do anything that will make him attractive to death.

He will keep on eating organic food to ensure that he does not throw caution to the wind. Alcohol and Chief George Tabetando will never make good bed fellows.

If Takunchong will have to engineer Tabetando’s death, then he might only do so through a young woman as women, especially the young ones are the aging senator’s Achilles heels.

Meanwhile, Mr. Takunchong con-man who came from Bachou to accompany the former mayor stage his show is facing the prospect of being homeless.

Amba boys have already sent him a message, advising that his home and those of his brothers and cousins will be burnt in the days ahead. He is still crying and is contemplating to quit the village.

He seems to be the first victim of the junk traditional rite Takunchong deceived him into performing in Mamfe town.

The con-man wants to apologize, but does not know how to go about it. He is not a very attractive target to Amba boys, so he will not be kidnapped but he will only be rendered homeless, a source close to the fighters informed the Cameroon Concord News Group.

“The little money former mayor Takunchong gave me is already finished. I don’t know what caused me to accept Takunchong’s offer. I am now going to render my entire family homeless,” he said.

“My stupidity is killing me. I am not even sure the mess we did would work. Takunchong has killed me. Since amba fighters delivered their verdict, I have not been able to eat. I am already sick. I am confused,” he concluded.

By Isong Asu with files from Camcordnews team in Mamfe and Yaoundé

Cameroon’s government faces mounting accusations that foot-dragging and incompetence have helped coronavirus gain a deadly grip.

In less than three months, the official case tally has risen to nearly 6,600, including 200 deaths — the third-highest number of infections of any country south of the Sahara.

Compared with Europe and America, this total is low, but experts warn of COVID-19’s ability to spread like wildfire in countries where health systems are weak and testing is poor.

Despite forecasts that cases would peak in June, schools and universities were suddenly told to reopen this week, prompting teachers and parents to warn that safety preparedness was nowhere near ready.

Cameroon on March 5 became the first central African country to register a case of the virus — a 58-year-old French national who had arrived in the capital Yaounde in February.

But it was not until two weeks later that the authorities set down restrictions for the country’s 25 million people.

The opposition has repeatedly criticised what it says is the government’s failure to take the threat of COVID-19 seriously, as many other African countries imposed radical containment measures early on.

Albert Ze, an economist specialising in health issues, told AFP that management of the epidemic had been “disastrous.”

“We missed the opportunity to contain the virus at the very beginning,” he said.

President Paul Biya, who has been in power for nearly four decades, only appeared publicly on television on May 19, pressured by the opposition and the World Health Organization (WHO) after more than two months of silence.

– No lockdown –

“We are seeing a particularly significant progression of the epidemic — it’s extremely serious,” Eugene Sobngwi, vice chairman of the health ministry’s scientific council, told state television on May 24.

Cameroon could become “the laughing stock of the world,” he said.

Rebutting such worries, Health Minister Manaouda Malachie on Monday said the case figures “should not be a cause for alarm… so far the government has been in control of the situation”.

Ze accused the government of a lax response in key areas as the epidemic began to brew.

“Cameroon did not close its land, air and sea borders until March 18 — 12 days after the first ‘imported’ case, and weeks after many other African countries,” he said.

The government was also laid back in social distancing, limiting gatherings to 50 people while other countries on the continent set a maximum of 10.

No lockdown has ever been imposed in Cameroon, and restaurants, bars and nightclubs were only forced to close after 6pm.

And those restrictions, as well as rules for distancing on public transport, were not implemented until mid-March.

Despite the late response, the impact of those measures was “immediate — Cameroonians understood there was a major problem,” said Professor Yap Boum II, an epidemiologist and head of a Doctors Without Borders (MSF) research centre in Yaounde.

A month after the start of the epidemic, the authorities required wearing of facemasks, and this too helped strengthen awareness and tighten control over the virus, he said.

But on April 30 the government abruptly eased public transport restrictions and allowed bars, restaurants and nightclubs to reopen in the evenings.

In the public’s mind, the brakes were now off, said Boum.

The move “led to an almost total relaxation of the population, as if this announcement sounded the end of the epidemic,” Boum said.

“We saw fewer and fewer people wearing masks, and more and more people in bars — and a month later we more than tripled” the number of cases and fatalities, he said.

– Back to school –

The reopening of schools and universities, another unexpected move, has been attacked as premature by teachers’ unions and parents, who have taken to social media to voice their fears.

The amount of equipment made available is “ridiculously small,” said Roger Kaffo, general secretary of the National Union of Secondary School Teachers, pointing out that the supply of 3,000 masks was not even one mask per teacher at secondary-school level.

Daniel Claude Abate, president of an association of small and medium-sized businesses and member of the ruling RDPC party, defended the government’s decision not to impose the toughest restrictions.

“We cannot afford to shut down our countries, with fragile economies, as others do,” he said.

Even so, “there should have been surveillance policy measures” to track the virus, he said, conceding the government had made “some mistakes.”

Source: AFP

In the face of mounting evidence, Colonel Cyril Serge Atonfack of the Cameroon Ministry of Defense on Friday June 5 acknowledged that journalist Samuel Wazizi died 16 days after his arrest in Buea from severe sepsis.  The late admission by the Cameroon army undermined the credibility of earlier information provided by top army officers, who ever since had adamantly dismissed allegations of maltreatment and torture.

The Colonel Cyril Serge Atonfack statement also raised a host of new questions, such as whose body was recently transported from Buea to a Yaoundé morgue by the army under heavy escort?

Yaounde’s acknowledgment alters the narrative around its confrontation with Southern Cameroonians in a way that could anger the French Cameroun public and the French Cameroun media. The Biya regime had arrested the journalist and the Buea police told his lawyer that Wazizi was accused of “collaborating with separatists” and “spreading separatist information.”

A fair trial was promised that never held but instead of accepting that the army killed the journalist, Yaoundé is now saying that Wazizi died of severe sepsis and not torture as reported by local and international media houses.

Several news reporters have gathered in Buea and Yaounde to protest the Cameroon government’s late empty statement on the circumstances surrounding Wazizi’s death.

International media organizations such as Reporters Without Borders and Pen International have not commented on the Cameroon army press release. However, the Southern Cameroons Interim government has blamed the killing of journalist Wazizi on the French Cameroun government.

Vice President Dabney Yerima expressed his deep sympathy to the Wazizi family and called on the Ambazonia Self Defense Forces to increase their efforts at protecting Southern Cameroons news men and women covering the French Cameroun genocidal campaign going on in Ambazonia.

 Newscaster Samuel Ajiekah Abuwe aka Wazizi was arrested in August 2019 in Buea and handed over to the Cameroon government army.

By Chi Prudence Asong

Journalists in Cameroon have taken to the streets of Buea in the South west region to protest and demand an account of their missing colleague, Samuel Wazizi, after local media reported he had died in military custody.

Wazizi, was arrested in August 2019. for alleged involvement in the country’s anglophone crisis.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) confirmed his death in a statement on Wednesday evening, after a privately-owned Cameroonian TV station and then the National Union of Cameroonian Journalists (SNJC) announced his death on Tuesday.

Neither the government nor the army had yet confirmed the journalist’s death, or reacted to requests on his whereabouts.

Now, what really happened to Samuel Wazizi? What could he have done to have led to arrest and kept away without trial, and access to no one for so long? And since no one has seen his body, is he really dead?

Source: Africa News

Cameroonian journalist Samuel Wazizi, who was arrested in August 2019 for criticising Yaoundé‘s handling of Cameroon’s anglophone crisis, has died in detention, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said, calling on the authorities to shed full light on the circumstances of his death.

RSF confirmed his death in a statement on Wednesday evening, after a privately-owned Cameroonian TV station and then the National Union of Cameroonian Journalists (SNJC) announced his death on Tuesday.

Neither the government nor the army had yet confirmed the journalist’s death, or reacted to requests from RSF, the SNJC and several human rights organisations, according to these organisations.

Contacted directly by AFP, the authorities had not yet responded on Thursday morning.

Samuel Wazizi, a presenter on the regional television station Chillen Media Television, was arrested on 2 August 2019 in Buea, the capital of the English-speaking Southwest region, according to RSF.

He was accused of “having made critical comments on his channel with regard to the authorities’ management of the crisis in Cameroon’s English-speaking regions,” RSF added in its press release.

For nearly three years, separatist groups and the army have been fighting each other in the north-west and south-west regions of Cameroon, where most of the English-speaking minority, who consider themselves marginalised, live. Some of these groups have taken up arms against Yaoundé and are calling for the independence of this territory.

The fighting, but also the atrocities and murders committed against civilians by both sides, have caused more than 3,000 deaths and forced more than 700,000 people to flee their homes.

Five days after his arrest in August, the journalist was “picked up” by soldiers, RSF said. He was never brought before a court, his lawyer Lyonga Ewule told AFP, and was “held incommunicado” “outside of any legal procedure”, according to RSF.

The journalist was “ill” and reportedly “died during his transfer to Yaoundé on an unknown date”, according to a “senior military official very close to the case” quoted by RSF. His lawyer and the SNJC claim that he was tortured while in detention.

His body arrived at the morgue on Monday “under heavy escort”, according to a source at the Yaoundé military hospital also quoted by RSF.

“We call on the authorities to break the intolerable silence surrounding this case (…) and to conduct a serious and independent investigation to establish the circumstances that led to this tragic event,” said Arnaud Froger, head of RSF’s Africa office.

Source: AFP

One of the white men charged in the Georgia killing of Ahmaud Arbery used a racial slur after shooting the unarmed black man, an investigator testified in court on Thursday, an explosive allegation in one of the cases roiling race relations in the United States.

After more than five hours of arguments during which a prosecutor said Arbery, 25, had been “chased, hunted and ultimately executed”, Glynn County Chief Magistrate Judge Wallace Harrell ruled probable cause existed and the case could go to trial.

Special Agent Richard Dial of the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) said William Bryan told his office in an interview last month that Travis McMichael uttered the slur as Arbery lay dying from shotgun wounds on Feb. 23. Bryan and McMichael are both defendants in the case.

“Mr. Bryan said that after the shooting took place before police arrival, while Mr. Arbery was on the ground, that he heard Travis McMichael make the statement: fucking nigger,” Dial said in testimony.

The Arbery case triggered a national outcry after cellphone video of the shooting was leaked on social media a month ago. Thursday’s hearing follows more than a week of protests across the United States over the May 25 death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, also a black American. Four officers have been charged in that case.

Dial said he had evidence from social media and elsewhere that Travis McMichael had used racial slurs in the past. McMichael, a former U.S. Coast Guard boarding officer, once told a friend that he loved his job because he “was on a boat and there weren’t any N-words anywhere,” Dial testified.

Dial said the three defendants – Bryan, 50, Travis McMichael, 34, and his father, former police officer Gregory McMichael, 64 – chased Arbery in pickup trucks and sought to box him in as he was jogging in their neighbourhood.

Both McMichaels are charged with murder and aggravated assault. Bryan, their neighbour who took the cellphone video, was charged with murder and attempting to illegally detain and confine.

Jason Sheffield, an attorney for Travis McMichael, pressed Dial on whether Bryan was promised leniency for possible cooperation with prosecutors when he cited the alleged slur, and argued that his client had acted in self defense.

Dial said he was unaware of any leniency offer and that it was Arbery who was defending himself.

“I believe Mr. Arbery’s decision was to just try to get away and when he felt like he could not escape, he chose to fight.”

Dial also testified that investigators found several text messages on Bryan’s phone containing derogatory comments that exhibited a “racist attitude” which Dial said likely played a role in Bryan’s decision to chase and help trap Arbery.

That testimony was elicited by Kevin Gough, Bryan’s attorney, who later argued that his client did not know why the McMichaels were chasing Arbery and had done what “any patriotic American citizen would have done”.

Special prosecutor Jesse Evans called that assertion “asinine”. “Any American would pick up the phone and call 911,” Evans told the court.

The three defendants were not charged until more than two months after the shooting. The GBI stepped in to investigate after the video circulated widely and Glynn County police took no action.

Police say Gregory McMichael saw Arbery running in his neighborhood and believed he looked like a burglary suspect. The elder McMichael called his son and the two armed themselves and gave chase in a pickup truck, police say.

Dial said video and other evidence showed that the first of three shots from Travis McMichael’s 12-gauge Remington Model 870 pump-action shotgun was to Arbery’s chest.

“You see the front of his shirt is saturated with blood,” Dial said. “The second shot is off camera as well but you do see the blood mist come into the camera screen.”

(REUTERS)

A Yaoundé mission that resulted in the apparent death of a Southern Cameroons journalist Samuel Wazizi, arrested August 2 and handed over to Cameroon’s military was organized by a high-ranking officer with the support of SED and the Cameroon Secret Service, a well placed source familiar with the case has hinted Cameroon Intelligence Report.

Our source described the Cameroon military official who interrogated Samuel Wazizi Wazizi, also known as Samuel Ajekah Abuwe immediately after his arrest in Buea, in Cameroon’s southwest as very close to the inner circle of President Paul Biya and Minister Paul Atanga Nji.

Cameroon government authorities did not publicly said why they were detaining him, but the Francophone dominated police reportedly told his lawyer that Wazizi was accused of “collaborating with separatists” and “spreading separatist information.”

 It is unclear whether President Biya or Territorial Administration Minister, Paul Atanga Nji authorized his arrest, interrogation and killing. However, several opponents of the Yaoundé regime including exiled Ambazonia leader Vice President Dabney Yerima, Cameroon Intelligence Report spoke with noted that the killing of Samuel Wazizi could not have happened without the direct knowledge of the Cameroonian National Security Council run by Minister Paul Atanga Nji.

Another source deep inside the ruling CPDM party told Cameroon Intelligence Report that the Biya Francophone government suspected Samuel Wazizi of having ties to the Southern Cameroons Interim Government and its jailed leadership. There has been no evidence to demonstrate Wazizi had such ties.

The same source furthered that the organizer of the mission to kill Wazizi was not transparent about what he told President Biya and other members of his so-called National Security Council, which, the source said, explained why the Yaoundé government still has no clear information and has been maintaining a kind of deliberate silence on the matter.

Some sources have hinted CIR that the Biya regime is planning to acknowledge that Wazizi died in Buea during a botched interrogation, one that was intended to lead to his transfer from Southern Cameroons to Yaoundé.

A Southern Cameroons officer serving with the intelligence unit of the Rapid Intervention Battalion in Buea informed Cameroon Intelligence Report that Samuel Wazizi’s body may have been cut into pieces after he was killed in Buea by Francophone Beti Ewondo officers. Cameroon government officials would not comment on the disposal method for the body despite pressure from Reporters Sans Frontieres.

Yaoundé silence suggests Wazizi killer squad had ties to Biya regime.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai in London

Measures to combat the novel coronavirus in Cameroon are triggering an avalanche of criticism in one of the countries most affected by the pandemic in sub-Saharan Africa.

With late border closures, no containment period, bars, restaurants and discotheques remaining open, masks imposed late, schools and universities reopening prematurely, Yaoundé seemed to stall and then sail on sight, suggesting that its authorities did not take the danger of the Covid-19 seriously when many other African countries imposed radical measures very early on.

President Paul Biya, who has been in power for nearly four decades, only appeared publicly on television on 19 May, pressured by the opposition and even the WHO, after more than two months of deafening silence. Meanwhile, all his African peers very early on, publicly at least, took up the torch of the fight against the virus.

We are seeing a particularly serious progression of the epidemic. It’s extremely serious

In less than three months, the number of reported cases rose from one to more than 6,500 in early June, with more than 200 deaths out of a population of more than 25 million.

“We are seeing a particularly serious progression of the epidemic. It’s extremely serious,” Professor Eugène Sobngwi, vice-president of the scientific council at the health ministry, told the press on 24 May, brandishing the risk that Cameroon could become “the laughing stock of the world”.

The assessments “should not alarm us because so far the government has been in control of the situation,” Health Minister Manaouda Malachie replied on state radio on 1 June, also in response to countless worries and criticisms on social networks.

This progress is the result of the government’s “calamitous management” of the pandemic, although Albert Ze, a Cameroonian economist specialising in health issues, told AFP that, “we missed the opportunity to contain the virus from the outset.

Cameroon did not close its land, air and sea borders until 18 March, 12 days after the first “imported” case and weeks after many other African countries. It limited the number of people allowed in the gatherings to 50, while others set it at 10.

Other restrictive measures, such as distancing on public transport and closing bars and restaurants, had to wait until mid-March as well, but only after 6 pm.

To date, no general containment has been imposed, as in countless countries across the continent and around the world.

The impact of these measures was however “immediate, and Cameroonians understood that the problem was major,” said Professor Yap Boum II, epidemiologist and head of a Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) research centre in Yaoundé.

“The compulsory wearing of masks reinforced this approach,” but more than a month after the start of the pandemic. Although the spread of the virus was progressing, it was “controlled” at the time, the epidemiologist added.

Nightclubs open

Until 30 April, when the government unexpectedly eased these restrictions, bars, restaurants and discos were allowed to reopen after 6 p.m., and measures to distance public transport were eased.

This “led to an almost total relaxation of the population, as if this announcement sounded the end of the epidemic,” laments the scientist.

“Fewer and fewer people were seen wearing masks and more and more people were seen in bars, and a month later we have more than tripled “the number of reported cases and deaths”, he notes, establishing a “direct link between this relaxation of measures, the ensuing indiscipline and the current situation”.

Against all expectations, the government also reopened doors of schools, colleges, high schools and universities on June 1, even though it anticipates the epidemic’s peak “in June.” A premature resumption according to the country’s teachers’ unions.

“The state has made available a ridiculously low number of materials, 3,000 masks for example,” not even one per teacher in secondary schools and colleges, vexed Roger Kaffo, general secretary of the National Autonomous Union of Secondary Education (SNAES).

But according to Daniel Claude Abate, president of a local group of small and medium-sized businesses, “we cannot afford to stop our countries, with fragile economies, as in others.”

“But it should have been accompanied by police surveillance measures,” he admits, conceding “a few mistakes”, “negligence” and “clumsiness”.

Source: AFP

Cameroonian authorities must immediately disclose the whereabouts and the health and legal status of imprisoned journalist Samuel Wazizi, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

“Samuel Wazizi’s friends, family, colleagues, and lawyers have unsuccessfully sought answers about his arrest from the Cameroonian government for far too long,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Angela Quintal. “We are extremely disturbed by recent reports of the journalist’s death in government custody, and demand that authorities immediately and publicly account for his status.”

News reports and a tweet by Denis Nkwebo, the president of the Cameroon Trade Union of Journalists, published yesterday and today, allege that Wazizi died at a military hospital at an unspecified date after being tortured by security forces.

The Cameroonian government has not commented on those reports. CPJ called and texted representatives of Cameroon’s Justice Ministry, Communications Ministry, and prime minister’s office for comment, but did not receive any replies.

Wazizi, whose legal name is Samuel Ajiekah Abuwe, was arrested on August 2, 2019, was transferred to military custody on August 7, and has not been seen since, according to CPJ research. Until his arrest, he worked as an anchor for privately owned broadcaster Chillen Muzik and TV.

Source: Premium Times Ng

Journalists and activists in Cameroon are calling on the government to respond to media reports this week that the military has killed in detention journalist Samuel Wazizi. The military detained Wazizi about a year ago for allegedly supporting anglophone separatists and he has not been seen in public since.

Lawyer and rights defender Christopher Ndong says he has reliable information that Cameroonian journalist Samuel Wazizi died in a military hospital in Yaoundé of wounds inflicted on him by the military.

“The brutal torture that was exerted on Wazizi by military officers is a condemnable act,” said Ndong. “He was arrested and badly tortured and when he fell ill, they took him to a military hospital in Yaoundé, where he finally died.  And so, we are asking for an independent investigation to detect all the culprits so that they should be brought to book and punished.”

Ndong says does not know when Wazizi died but most local media have this week been reporting his death as confirmed and that military officials are refusing to release his body.

Cameroonian activists and journalists are calling on the government to respond to the reports and explain the circumstances, if Wazizi is in fact dead. 

Ambe Macmillan Awah is president of Cameroon’s Association of English-Speaking Journalists (CAMASEJ). 

He says Wazizi’s death in prison would prove how officials continue to abuse the media. 

“Cameroon is a state of law and our laws provide for journalists to be tried.  So, we keep asking, why was the law not applied?  We are calling on the competent authorities to investigate and bring all the perpetrators to book,” said Awah. “Nobody is above the law.”

Samuel Wazizi, whose legal name is Samuel Ajiekah Abuwe, worked for Chillen Music Television. 

Police arrested Wazizi last August for allegedly supporting anglophone separatists in Cameroon’s English-speaking western regions and turned him over to the military.  He hasn’t been seen since.  The military claims Wazizi was hosting rebels on his farm. 

After Wazizi’s disappearance, authorities threatened to go after any journalists reporting on alleged military abuses or giving a voice to the rebels. 

Yaoundé-based freelance journalist Ndi Eugene Ndi says it is becoming impossible to report in Cameroon’s English-speaking west regions under such pressure. 

“If you do a report which seems like giving some little credit to the separatists, you should be sure of meeting a military court,” said Ndi. “It is not easy.  We are not safe.”

Cameroon’s Association of English-Speaking Journalists (CAMASEJ) says Wazizi was being held in a prison in the capital, Yaounde. 

Both a military spokesman and a government spokesman refused to comment on Wazizi and the reports of his death. 

Source: VOA