A few weeks ago, 92-year-old Cameroonian President Paul Biya announced his intention to run for an eighth term in the country’s forthcoming election. This announcement, shocking, albeit widely anticipated, is already fueling fear that the country’s stability could be at risk, with wider implications for regional security.

The aged leader, who has ruled Cameroon with an iron fist since 1982, is easily the oldest president anywhere in the world. Indeed, only a few Cameroonians alive remember a time without Biya in power. Yet recent health scares seem to suggest that he may have reached the limit of his natural abilities. In 2008, his regime carried out a constitutional amendment to annul the two-term limit — clearing Biya’s path to rule for life through elections that, although regular, have been neither free nor fair.

Under his 43-year rule, the country of 29 million has gone from a period of relative stability to one of crisis and conflict. Approximately four in 10 Cameroonians live below the national poverty line, while unemployment, especially among school leavers, is high. This is in spite of Cameroon’s rich endowment of natural resources, including oil and natural gas, aluminum and gold.

Since 2014, Cameroon has also come under attack by Boko Haram in the far north while a secessionist insurgency is devastating the country’s Anglophone regions. Cameroon is divided into French and English-speaking regions — a development rooted in the country’s colonial past. The conflict, now in its seventh year, was precipitated in late 2016 by the state’s mishandling of peaceful protests that erupted against the application of the French civil law system by courts in the Anglophone regions. The crisis has led to over 6,000 deaths and the displacement of a million people internally and to neighboring Nigeria.

In the same vein, the Boko Haram conflict has resulted in numerous deaths and the internal displacement of well over 300,000 people, not to mention the disruption of local economies that has led to widespread food insecurity.

To combat the threat, Biya, who is known for a non-aligned foreign approach that has permitted him to play off multiple great powers, recently has had to lean quite heavily on U.S. support for funding and training of the country’s elite Rapid Intervention Brigade (BIR), as well as troops from the Multinational Joint Task Force that Washington established with Cameroon’s neighbors, Nigeria and Chad. U.S. training of Cameroon’s military personnel is valued at $600,000 annually. Washington also has a drone base with approximately 200 personnel stationed in Garoua, a city in northeastern Cameroon, to support the military in its operations against extremism. Cameroon remains one of the diminishing number of former French colonies in sub-Saharan Africa that permits foreign military bases on its territory.

At the same time, Cameroon weighs heavily on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s expansionist aims in the Sahel and West Africa. The country recently renewed a military cooperation agreement with Moscow while playing host to Afrique Média, a Russia-linked news organization generally regarded as Putin’s mouthpiece in the region. Such great-power attention illustrates Cameroon’s potential strategic importance.

In the meantime, the integrity of the October 12 election is already in jeopardy. Out of 83 candidates who submitted applications to run for president, the electoral body, Elections Cameroon, only approved 13, disqualifying Biya’s main challenger, Maurice Kamto, who was the runner-up in the 2018 elections when he won 14.2 percent of the vote. Although those disqualified from the presidential race can file a legal challenge, many Cameroonians don’t believe that anything will come of it.

With Kamto’s exclusion, Biya and his Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (RDPC) party will face less popular candidates, including two of the president’s allies, former Prime Minister Bello Bouba Maigari and Issa Tchiroma Bakary, who resigned in early June as employment minister. Unsurprisingly, their qualification has sparked accusations that Biya and the RDPC are orchestrating another sham election to retain their hold on power.

The resulting situation has heightened political tensions and fueled fears of unrest. On June 12, the U.S. Embassy in Yaounde, the capital, called for respect for press freedom and urged all parties concerned with the electoral process to act in a manner that “promotes peace, respects the rule of law, and upholds democratic norms.” But the situation remains uncertain as security forces have been deployed in the economic hub, Douala, and Yaounde, especially around the headquarters of the electoral council in anticipation of protests.

Biya’s insistence on running is, to put it mildly, bewildering. In a now distant era, Africa’s longstanding aging leaders, such as Senegal’s Léopold Sédar Senghor or Kenya’s Daniel Arap Moi, planned for their succession to both ensure a peaceful transition and preserve their legacies.. Biya’s current gambit suggests he has no such plans. His apparent determination to continue to rule until he nearly turns 100 — presidential terms run seven years — spells trouble to many Cameroonians.

Indeed, in a country where more than 60% of the population is under 25, Biya’s ambition may prove too much for the public and for the ambitions of other members of the ruling elite as they jockey for position in a post-Biya period. To a growing number of analysts, the evolving situation, especially if public protests become widespread and militant, could create a pretext for a military coup. Historically, Cameroon’s army has been loyal to Biya who has only experienced a coup once early in his long rule. Reputed as a master-manipulator of the security forces, Biya has managed to keep ambition in check by keeping the armed forces fragmented and through regular reshuffling.

But as the developments witnessed in Gabon just two years ago show, the specter of coup cannot be fully discounted in a situation of political stasis. In August 2023, Gabonese elite presidential guard mounted a coup that ended the half-century rule of the Bongo dynasty. The irony was that the coup occurred just hours after then-President Ali Bongo had pulled out all the stops to win an unconstitutional third term through an election that all observers, local and foreign, agree was neither free nor fair.

Before matters reach that point in Cameroon, regional bodies, including the African Union, the Economic Community of Central African States, and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) may be able to exert influence on the upcoming electoral process to ensure greater inclusivity and adherence to basic democratic norms in the runup to the October election. The forthcoming poll is not simply a matter for Cameroonians alone but an important question for the region as well.

Culled from Responsible Statecraft

In a calculated act of cowardice dressed in political theater, the electoral umpire, ELECAM, on Saturday, July 26, 2025, invoked the “double investiture” clause, selectively and maliciously, to disqualify Maurice Kamto from contesting the upcoming presidential election. Let us call this what it is: a constitutional coup against the Cameroonian people. The law was not applied; it was weaponized. The investiture pretext – that MANIDEM fielded two candidates – is a ridiculous, electoral farce that is laughable and should attract no further comment. Anicet Ekane was the party’s legitimate leader. The Ministry of Territorial Administration (MINAT)’s website confirmed it; until demons crept in and rewrote digital reality to install a mendicant political jobber, Yebga Dieudonné, as party head. MINAT’s fingerprints are all over this digital crime scene. ELECAM and MINAT have committed a crime against the nation and Cameroon is now teetering on the edge of institutional collapse and civil explosion. By blocking Kamto, the regime is lighting a fuse it cannot control. Repression has never birthed peace; it births resistance. If Kamto cannot run at the ballot box, millions will run to the streets. If choice is denied at the polls, it will be demanded elsewhere. If the Constitutional Council has one atom of independence left, it must annul this grotesque electoral perversion and injustice. But if it too kneels to power, then let the people rise. For when democracy is betrayed from above, it must be reclaimed from below. ELECAM and MINAT have declared war on the Cameroonian people. The Biya regime has set fire to the social contract. And when the flames reach Etoudi, let them not pretend they weren’t warned.

And let us not forget: while Kamto is disqualified over a fabricated procedural excuse, Paul Biya – 93 years old and in power for 43 years – remains a candidate. ELECAM’s own website confirms that the CPDM submitted two candidates: Biya and Onana Leon Theiler. Univers also fielded two: Akere Muna and Membouet Chantale Adelaid. So why were Biya and Muna cleared, but Kamto rejected? Because only Kamto poses a real threat to Biya’s lifelong grip on power. The message is clear: only Kamto must fall, because only Kamto can win. ELECAM is not an electoral umpire; it is a political hit squad. It doesn’t count votes; it butchers hope. It doesn’t defend democracy; it buries it. With MINAT as its accomplice, ELECAM has turned the 2025 election into a funeral for Cameroon’s democratic dreams. Let there be no illusions: this is not democracy. It is gangsterism disguised as governance with a ballot box for a mask. Cameroon is ruled by a cabal of power mongers and their cronies; draining the state and now destroying even the idea of electoral choice.

At the head of this cabal is Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, secretary general at the presidency and the true power behind the empty throne. Unelected and deranged by delusions of grandeur, Ngoh Ngoh suffers from incurable money-mindedness, and he will stop at nothing in his quest for personal financial gain! The palace’s invisible hand, has proven himself the true head of state; Biya is now just the ceremonial ghost of a bygone dictatorship. Ngoh Ngoh rules by proxy, bypassing state institutions and dictating who lives or dies politically; while Paul Biya, the embalmed relic of tyranny, is wheeled out for ceremonial deception. Alongside Ngoh Ngoh is the MINAT boss, Paul Atanga Nji, a political vandal with neither conscience nor competence. In 1997, Atanga Nji, (then head of a money-laundering outfit called Highland Corporation Bank) paid The Herald newspaper FCFA 1,000,000 to run a fake story, alleging Fru Ndi had ordered the kidnapping of the wife of then Ambassador Christopher Nsahlai in Bamenda. The reason was to frame Fru Ndi with bogus charges that will disqualify him from contesting the 1997 presidential election; after his victory in 1992 was stolen. The plan did not materialize because the SDF boycotted the election after their demand for an independent electoral commission was ignored. Today, the same Atanga Nji repeats that script; now with state institutions as his weapon. This is not just déjà vu – this is systemic political cannibalism.

And then, there’s first lady, Chantal Biya, the unelected queen of opulence, who struts through Etoudi like Marie Antoinette with a wig and no throne. Her only credential is proximity to the corpse of power, but she has turned the presidency into a private estate; wielding influence like a scepter showcasing her addiction to conspicuous consumption, primitive accumulation and material aggrandizement. Together with Jacques Fame Ndongo, a Beti ethnic supremacist and pseudo-intellectual mercenary, they have formed a quartet of ruin throttling the soul of the nation- a criminal syndicate, dragging Cameroon deeper into the abyss of lawlessness, tyranny, and impending collapse.Kamto was not disqualified – he was politically lynched. His only crime? Being viable, principled and electable. He represents the last hope of democratic redemption, so they decided to bury him beneath a mountain of fabricated procedure. This must not stand. If the constitutional council; that hollow chamber of cowards and sycophant careerists, dares to rubber-stamp this injustice, it will be acting as an accomplice. And if voters are denied their right to choose, they must reclaim it with every tool of resistance available. For no regime, however entrenched, can survive the fury of a people united in their quest for freedom.

Let it be shouted from every rooftop: ELECAM’s rejection of Kamto’s candidacy, aided by MINAT, is not just a legal abomination – it is a national scandal, and a disgrace. But this is no error; it is a calculated strategy. ELECAM has declared war on Cameroonian democracy, transforming from electoral umpire to regime enforcer and hit man. With a single contrived technicality, it erased not just a candidate, but the hopes of millions who believe in change. Kamto posed a threat to the crumbling oligarchy, which is why he was rejected for the same infraction that Univers and the CPDM were exonerated. Kamto wasn’t eliminated by justice, but by a political death squad masquerading as an electoral umpire. Even more damning is MINAT’s role. Anicet Ekane, MANIDEM’s legitimate leader, endorsed Kamto. Yet overnight, Yebga Dieudonné emerged from the shadows as party leader and presidential candidate. It stretches credulity for Atanga Nji to blame hackers for the name swap on MINAT’s website. Really? This isn’t just administrative incompetence; its fraud, and political treason. What we’re witnessing is a coordinated demolition of electoral integrity and a betrayal of democracy’s core principles; that casts doubts over the credibility of the electoral process.

Let it be clear: Biya’s Cameroon is not a functioning state; it is a prison, where the rule of law lies buried in unmarked graves. Here, law serves power, truth is forged in secret backrooms, and the people are spectators to their own disenfranchisement. To ELECAM and Atanga Nji: your names will be recorded in the book of betrayal, alongside traitors, and enablers who helped murder the dreams of a nation. History will not remember you as public servants, but as arsonists – you drenched the constitution in gasoline and struck the match. When the flames consume what remains of the nation, your names will be written in the ashes. To Cameroonians: do not despair. This is your moment of reckoning. Do not plead for dignity; demand it. Do not wait for justice from compromised institutions; deliver your own verdict. Do not sit idle while democracy is strangled. In 1992, Fru Ndi was robbed and bribed into silence by regime apologists like Enow Abrams Egbe – now ELECAM Board Chairman – who, in the manuscript of his unpublished memoir, admits that as Secretary General at the Northwest Governor’s Office, he received billions of francs from Yaoundé to buy Fru Ndi’s silence, leading to the Chairman’s ultimate betrayal of the cause for change. The monies exchanged hands at Fru Ndi’s farm, sometimes, in the presence of then-Northwest Governor, Bell Luc Rene.

Knowing how the regime operates, Cameroonians must now ask themselves: are we citizens, or captives? Will we watch silently as a vampire elite devours the nation’s soul, or will we rise and reclaim our stolen future? Fru Ndi was silenced. Kamto is being sidelined. Who will be next? Without Kamto, the 2025 presidential poll will not just be a stolen election; it will be a stolen nation. Let us speak plainly: ELECAM and MINAT are now enemies of the Cameroonian people. They have not just failed in their duty; they have betrayed it. The people must now become liberators. To all Cameroonians of conscience and goodwill; let your anger be righteous. Let your resistance be relentless. Let your voices be the thunder that breaks 43 years of Biya’s kleptocratic dictatorship. Cameroon belongs to its people; not to tyrants or their parasitic cronies that defile it. Rise. Resist. Reclaim. A new Cameroon must be born, and those who try to bury it will face the judgment of history.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai

On July 31, Minister of External Relations, Lejeune Mbella Mbella, addressed foreign diplomats in Yaoundé, briefing them on the upcoming October 12 presidential election and reminding them of the international obligation to protect diplomatic premises.

Mbella Mbella stated that because Cameroon is committed to international conventions governing relations with its partners, it expects the strict application of protection measures for diplomatic and consular personnel and buildings. He added, “I know I can count on you in this regard.”

The government is concerned that the presidential election could serve as a pretext for Cameroonians abroad to protest at their embassies. In the past, Cameroonians opposed to the government vandalized the embassy in Paris, spray-painted the one in Germany, assaulted the Cameroonian ambassador in Belgium, and attacked a ministerial delegation in Brussels. These incidents have angered officials in Yaoundé, who often respond by summoning the ambassadors of the countries where the incidents occurred.

Despite this history, Mbella Mbella thanked the ambassadors for the welcome and hospitality extended to Cameroonian nationals in their respective countries.

He underscored the importance of a peaceful election for Cameroon, given its strategic position in the Gulf of Guinea. He called on partner countries and international bodies such as the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the OIC, the Francophonie, and the Commonwealth to support the country during the election.

Source: Sbbc

On 31 July 2025, Cameroonian presidential candidate Issa Tchiroma Bakary was barred from flying to Senegal at Yaoundé Nsimalen International Airport.

Tchiroma, who leads the Front for the National Salvation of Cameroon (FSNC) party, was accompanied by his daughter. The pair intended to visit the grave of former president Ahmadou Ahidjo in Dakar.

Eyewitnesses and local media report that airport officials told Tchiroma he could not travel, citing undisclosed “orders from above”.

Notably, officials provided no written documentation, warrant, or legal justification for the travel ban.

As of 1 August, the Cameroonian government has remained silent, intensifying speculation that the decision was politically motivated.

POLITICAL CONTEXT DEEPENS PUBLIC SUSPICION

Tchiroma’s sudden travel restriction comes amid his active campaign for Cameroon’s 12 October 2025 presidential election.

In June 2025, he resigned from his government post, publicly criticising President Paul Biya’s administration as “broken” and “paralysed”.

Since launching his presidential bid, Tchiroma has called for structural reforms, promising to dismantle the current regime and restore constitutional order.

His push for an opposition coalition has gained momentum in recent weeks.

The Issa Tchiroma travel ban’s timing, coinciding with the intensifying coalition-building efforts, has fuelled fears of electoral manipulation.

LEGAL UNCERTAINTY FUELS PUBLIC OUTRAGE

Legal experts and civil society organisations are raising serious constitutional concerns. Cameroon’s laws guarantee citizens the freedom of movement, yet Tchiroma’s ban was issued verbally, without a court order or legal precedent.

Legal scholars and human rights observers argue that the travel restriction on Issa Tchiroma may violate Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which guarantees individuals the right to leave any country, including their own, and to return.

Article 13(2) of the UDHR states, “Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.”

Cameroon is a signatory to the UDHR and has incorporated many of its provisions into national legal frameworks.

Meanwhile, public reaction has been swift, with widespread condemnation from civil society and activists accusing the government of suppressing dissent.

OPPOSITION LEADERS CONDEMN THE MOVE

Opposition figures, including members of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC) and the Social Democratic Front (SDF), have strongly condemned the travel ban.

They describe it as a direct attack on democracy, warning it could undermine the legitimacy of the upcoming vote.

Sources close to Issa Tchiroma Bakary have acknowledged the challenges posed by the travel ban but stressed their commitment to continuing political activities and dialogue ahead of the election.

A TURNING POINT IN CAMEROON’S 2025 ELECTION

Society accuses President Paul Biya of political repression, aiming to limit fair competition. Human rights groups have consistently condemned the government’s actions, including arbitrary arrests and crackdowns on protests.

As of August 2025, the African Union (AU) has not made a formal statement, but legal experts and monitoring groups remain vigilant.

Barrister Agbor Balla, a leading Cameroonian human rights lawyer and constitutional expert, has urged the government to respect constitutional rights.

He warns that travel bans without due process violate both national laws and international human rights standards.

This incident adds to political tensions, especially after the electoral commission barred opposition leader Maurice Kamto, increasing concerns over the fairness of the upcoming election.

WILL CAMEROON PROTECT ELECTORAL INTEGRITY OR CONTINUE THE CRACKDOWN?

Culled from The South African

Maurice Kamto’s exclusion from the October 2025 presidential race has intensified tensions within Cameroon’s political landscape. Elecam’s rejection of his candidacy has not only surprised the public but also galvanized opposition voices, with figures like Akere Muna, Issa Tchiroma Bakary, and Hermine Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya calling for an independent review by the Constitutional Council.

The list of validated candidates, published on July 26, excluded Kamto on the grounds that his party, Manidem, submitted multiple nominations—a claim widely challenged. His supporters and even some rivals argue that the rejection lacks legal consistency and appears politically motivated.

Among those defending Kamto’s right to run, Front of Cameroonian Democrats (FDC) candidate Samuel Hiram Iyodi spoke out strongly:
 “I hope it will be retained (by the Constitutional Council). I think that Professor Maurice Kamto has been a major player in Cameroonian politics for many years now, and that for this election, which promises to be crucial for the future of our country, all players, all political parties representing a particular stratum, a particular sensitivity of our population, should be able to compete. I hope that he will have legal arguments to see his candidacy rehabilitated after the dispute at the Constitutional Council level.”

Maurice Kamto has officially appealed to the Constitutional Council to contest his exclusion from the presidential race.

Former Minister Issa Tchiroma Babary, running under the National Front for the Salvation of Cameroon (FNSC), emphasized the Council’s role as a neutral arbiter. He stressed the importance of “impartiality and integrity, in fully assuming its responsibilities.” He added, “It is its duty to guarantee respect for the Constitution, protection of the rights of every citizen, and transparency in the management of the electoral process and public affairs.” Tchiroma also underlined Kamto’s credentials: “In view of Professor Kamto’s internationally recognized competence in legal matters, [he] had surrounded himself upstream with all the necessary legal measures to ensure that his candidacy complied with the requisite requirements.” He urged authorities to restore Kamto’s rights “and that he enjoy, without restriction, the prerogatives conferred on him by law, in the same way as any political actor or citizen protected by the Constitution.”

Hermine Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya, president of the Cameroon Democratic Union (UDC) and presidential candidate, also criticized the exclusion. She lamented the invalidation of Kamto and the president of the USDP, both of whom are part of a platform pushing for a unified opposition and a consensual electoral code. “We sincerely hope that the Constitutional Council will examine their appeals fairly, so that they can rejoin the common dynamic,” she declared.

From the Universe party, candidate Akere Muna voiced his “deep concern at the rejection of Professor Maurice Kamto’s candidacy.” He argued that the decision lacks legal merit. “This rejection, to which others can be added, is based on grounds that correspond neither to the established facts nor to the provisions of article 121 of the Electoral Code, and more particularly to those of article 5, paragraph 2,” he said. That article stipulates that: “The members of Elections Cameroon, in the exercise of their functions, must not, under any circumstances, seek or receive instructions or orders from a national or foreign public or private authority.” Muna remains hopeful that “the Constitutional Council will fully appreciate the stakes involved and will act with due diligence to guarantee impartial, transparent justice worthy of the trust of all citizens.”

Kah Walla, who leads a faction of the Cameroon People’s Party, issued a joint statement with UPC-Manidem. The declaration reads: “This disqualification confirms what we have been denouncing for years: a locked, biased and deeply discredited electoral process.”

Despite mounting criticism from opposition leaders and civil society, Elections Cameroon (Elecam) has yet to issue a response. The silence is further deepening suspicions of arbitrary and politically motivated decision-making in Kamto’s exclusion from the race.

Source: Sbbc

Erik Essousse, director of general elections, informed Maurice Kamto that his candidacy for the 2025 presidential election was rejected due to “multiple nominations by the Manidem” party. The Electoral Council also disqualified Dieudonné Yebga, who submitted his bid under the same party affiliation. According to Elecam, this dual endorsement caused legal confusion, rendering both Kamto’s and Yebga’s candidacies inadmissible.

Anicet Ekane, founder of Manidem, strongly disputed the decision against Maurice Kamto. He stated that Elecam’s reason does not reflect the truth. “The CPDM and Paul Biya, feeling [already] defeated, want to avoid a face off with the Manidem candidate,” he said. Ekane claimed the decision resulted from a calculated political maneuver. He added, “Even before the announcement of this unprecedented candidacy carrying the hopes of the people, the regime in Yaoundé had already leaked Mr. Kamto’s personal documents prepared for the application.”

The Manidem founder further accused the government of a disinformation campaign about candidacy eligibility requirements. He also claimed the government crudely altered “the official registration of Manidem’s leadership on the website of the Ministry of Territorial Administration” while orchestrating the submission of a “so-called second candidacy,” referring to Dieudonné Yebga, within the party.

In response to the rejection, Anicet Ekane’s Manidem announced its intent to appeal to the Constitutional Council, as permitted by law. Regulations allow candidates rejected by Elecam 72 hours to file a petition with this body. Ekane stated, “What happens next depends on the response of the Constitutional Council,” emphasizing that the future of Kamto’s candidacy now rests on this decision.

The pre-election dispute warrants close attention as the situation remains unresolved for Manidem. The outlook appears even more challenging for Maurice Kamto, especially since Dieudonné Yebga, in a statement dated July 26, also expressed his intention to contest Elecam’s rejection of his candidacy. As a result, both Kamto’s and Yebga’s bids are at stake, potentially leading to tangled legal proceedings and escalating political tensions surrounding the electoral process.

Source: Business in Cameroon

Maurice Kamto has been excluded from the list of candidates in the 12 October presidential election.

Only 13 of the 83 names submitted to the country’s electoral body Elecam were accepted.

Kamto came second in the 2018 elections amid allegations of fraud. He has not yet commented on the decision.

President Paul Biya, 92, the world’s oldest president, was included on the list and will seek an eighth term in office.

Defying calls to step down, he says he still has a lot to offer Cameroonians despite being in power for nearly 43 years.

Biya will be challenged by two former allies, Issa Tchiroma Bakary and Bello Bouba Maigari, who both come from the vote-rich north of the country.

Kamto was excluded because he was one of two candidates registered to represent the Manidem party.

Even though he had been officially adopted by the party’s ruling body, another candidate from a splinter group also registered himself under the party’s name.

Manidem president Anicet Ekane described Kamto’s exclusion as “arbitrary and provocative”.

“We call on all Cameroonians to show calm and restraint because for the moment, it is only an offside goal. This tackle from behind must be sanctioned by the Constitutional Council which we will turn to,” he added.

Those disqualified from the presidential race have two days to file a legal challenge.

Kamto was the candidate for the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM) in 2018 but the party was not allowed to endorse anyone this year due to its lack of elected representatives in parliament or local councils.

So Kamto recently joined the Manidem party, which does have local representation.

Renowned anti-corruption lawyer Akere Muna, Social Democratic Front (SDF) leader Joshua Osih, and lawmaker Cabral Libii are among the other candidates cleared to run.

Firebrand Mayor of Foumban Patricia Tomaino Ndam Njoya is the only female candidate on the list.

Source: BBC

Over 80 candidates have submitted applications to run for Cameroon’s presidency, said the country’s electoral body Elections Cameroon (Elecam) on Tuesday.

On the list of applicants released by Elecam were incumbent President Paul Biya, and opposition leaders Maurice Kamto and Joshua Osih.

Two former ministers and allies of Biya, Issa Tchiroma Bakary and Bello Bouba Maigari, also applied for the presidential candidacy, which involves seven females and 26 independent candidates.

The final list of those qualified to run for the election will be published 60 days before the voting day after Elecam reviews the applications.

The presidential election will begin on Oct. 12.

Source: Xinhuanet