President Paul Biya has appointed Mounouna Foutsou, Minister of Youth and Civic Education, to temporarily oversee the Ministry of Employment and Vocational Training following the resignation of Issa Tchiroma Bakary on June 24.

The announcement was made public by Séraphin Magloire Fouda, Secretary-General of the Prime Minister’s Office.

Shortly after the decision, the Secretary-General of the Ministry of Employment, Forchap Esandem Prudence Nkong, visited Mounouna Foutsou at his office. According to the Ministry of Youth’s communications department, Foutsou has already laid out his roadmap, calling for a working session with senior officials of the ministry under his temporary leadership on Monday, June 30.

“Madam Secretary-General, it is time to get back to work after the departure of our big brother. Go and share the work plan with the team,” Foutsou reportedly stated.

Tchiroma’s resignation, seen as a major political shift, signals the end of his alliance with the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM). The leader of the National Salvation Front of Cameroon (FSNC) party also announced his candidacy for the October 2025 presidential election, officially distancing himself from the regime he had supported for years.

This change in leadership at the Ministry of Employment comes amid growing signs of political realignment as the country approaches the presidential vote.

Source: Business in Cameroon

Bello Bouba Maigari, Minister of Tourism and leader of the National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP) announced in Yaoundé that he will be challenging the 92-year-old President Biya in the upcoming presidential election.

‘I have heard you and I accept’, is how the current Minister of Tourism and Leisure officially declared his acceptance of the call from his party’s militants to stand as a candidate during UNDP’s ordinary congress held on Saturday 28 June 2025 at the Palais des Congrès in Yaoundé.

An elite bureaucrat with expertise in the economy and trade, Bello said he will establish a presidential committee dedicated to constitutional reform on his first day in office and devote his full efforts to its success.

The veteran politician however did not outline his plans for the nation and did not provide specific details on whether he intends to resign from the Biya-led government.  

Political battles pursuing individual and factional interests, rather than the future of the nation and its people have reached a dangerous level in Cameroon and there are fears that Cameroonians including those in the diaspora are allowing the nation they have painstakingly built under the late President Ahmadou Ahidjo to crumble from the ground up due to irresponsible political strife.

Minister Issa Tchiroma who resigned this week on Thursday confirmed he will stand in this year’s presidential election, stating he wants to “put an end to the old system”.

Issa Tchiroma Bakary, long an ally of veteran President Paul Biya, first announced his intention to stand in an open letter posted on social media on Wednesday evening, then confirmed his ambition in a live online broadcast 24 hours later.

The former employment and vocational training minister is a well-known political figure in Cameroon and leads the Front for the National Salvation of Cameroon (FSNC), which has long been allied to Biya’s Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM).

Biya, 92, has been in power since 1982 and has yet to indicate whether he will stand for re-election in the October vote.

Tchiroma, 75, was transport minister from 1992 to 1996, then held the communications brief from 2009 to 2019, and was one of the government’s staunchest defenders.

“The time has come for the current regime to step down with dignity,” he said during Thursday’s broadcast, calling for a break with “a model in place for decades that has shown its limits”.

He also called for reconciliation in a country facing multiple crises, including insecurity in the English-speaking regions and Far North, as well as social tensions, economic concerns and a fraught political climate.

The CPDM has not yet announced its candidate, while the opposition is struggling to unite behind a consensus figure.

Tchiroma’s candidacy comes as several longstanding supporters of Biya appear to be distancing themselves from the Cameroon leader.

Source: AFP

With just months remaining until the October presidential election, the opposition is again attempting to unite behind a single candidate. However, two competing initiatives, “The Platform” and “The Douala Group,” are vying for influence. This rivalry revives deep divisions that have long hindered any real prospects for political change.

Both groups are currently pushing to nominate a unified opposition candidate for the election. The Platform is a coalition of political parties formed in 2021, while The Douala Group is a newer movement driven by independent political figures.

A clash of methods and approaches

The Platform was initially created to advocate for a consensual reform of Cameroon’s electoral code. It brought together key figures from the MP, MRC, PCRN, SDF, UDC, UMS, and USDP parties. Today, under the leadership of Hermine Patricia Tomaïno Ndam Njoya, president of the UDC, the group focuses on selecting a single opposition candidate.

On the other side, the Douala Group includes figures such as Anicet Ekane, president of Manidem, Sam Mbaka, a former UDC executive, and Professor Calvin Aba’a Oyono. Others, like Henriette Ekwe and Elimbi Lobe, have since left the group. The group presents itself as an independent initiative aiming to foster a favorable “current of opinion” around the need for unity, despite internal disagreements.

Acknowledged rivalries

Both camps openly acknowledge their rivalry. “They are completely different, in both name and strategy,” said Léopold Dassi, UDC’s national secretary for communication. The Platform favors a consensual and inclusive approach, while The Douala Group adopts a more combative stance, emphasizing grassroots pressure and a reconfiguration of public debate.

On May 31, during his nomination convention in Yaoundé, Pierre Kwemo, president of UMS and a declared candidate, called on The Platform to intensify its efforts to find a unified contender. He even stated he would be willing to step aside for a consensus nominee.

A fragmented landscape and uncertain prospects

The Douala Group’s momentum emerges from a context of political disillusionment. According to Anicet Ekane, this movement is a reaction to recent failures of other opposition coalitions. These include the APC, led by MP Jean-Michel Nintcheu, and the ATP, promoted by Olivier Bilé. Both were launched in 2024 with different aims. The former centered around Maurice Kamto, while the latter was paradoxically under Paul Biya’s patronage. Both were banned by Interior Minister Paul Atanga Nji just months after their inception.

“The Douala Group is a direct consequence of those failures. They fought among themselves and collapsed from within,” Ekane said. He supports a unifying approach reminiscent of the 1992 election, when the opposition rallied behind the late Ni John Fru Ndi.

A race against time, or not

According to Elections Cameroon (Elecam), the electoral roll is expected to be officially convened by July 12 at the latest, with a July 22 deadline for submitting candidacies. While time is tight, The Douala Group’s members remain unfazed. “Time is not against us. Even last-minute withdrawals are possible. As long as ballots haven’t been printed, a candidate can step down,” Ekane argued.

Yet, the specter of division looms large. Although unity is a shared aspiration, the proliferation of structures, competing egos, and divergent agendas continues to undermine any real synergy. As Election Day draws closer, the threat of repeating past failures becomes increasingly tangible.

Source: Business in Cameroon

At 76, Issa Tchiroma Bakary has voluntarily stepped down from government after serving in various ministerial roles for over two decades. The timing comes shortly after a series of strong public criticisms against the very regime he had consistently supported for years.

Tchiroma, the former Minister of Employment and Vocational Training, has recently re-emerged at the center of Cameroon’s political scene. His impassioned speech in Garoua denouncing the current administration, a subsequent meeting with the French ambassador, and now his formal resignation just months before the October presidential election have all fueled speculation about his motivations.

A Calculated Exit?

For many political observers, Tchiroma’s departure was anticipated. What has drawn attention is the dramatic nature of his exit. Some view it as a carefully planned move. One political analyst, who wished to remain anonymous, noted, “He’s staged his return to the opposition the way one would launch a campaign.”

Once nicknamed the “griot of Paul Biya” for his enthusiastic defense of the president, Tchiroma’s sudden change in tone has unsettled even his colleagues. Within Prime Minister Joseph Dion Ngute’s cabinet, some react discreetly, while others, like Minister Delegate for Justice Jean De Dieu Momo, have taken to social media. Momo wrote on Facebook, with an ironic tone reflecting the discomfort within the ruling elite, “My brother Issa Tchiroma really surprised me. And now, how is President Paul Biya going to look at me? As if I’ll do the same thing? Come on! You don’t do that.”

Since his return to government in 2009, Tchiroma had been one of Biya’s most vocal supporters. This new political shift is particularly striking given that between 1996 and 2009, he was among the regime’s fiercest critics. That stance disappeared the day he was appointed Minister of Communication on June 30, 2009. At the time, Jeune Afrique editor François Soudan described him as a “minister of communication in vuvuzela mode,” highlighting the dramatic nature of his political turn.

A Tumultuous Political Path

Tchiroma’s political journey has been far from straightforward. Trained as a railway engineer, he began his political activism in the 1970s with the Cameroon National Union (UNC) while studying in France. Upon his return in 1977, he worked at Regifercam before being arrested in 1984 for suspected links to a failed coup against Biya. He spent several years in detention without trial in Yoko prison.

Freed in 1990, he organized a protest in Garoua and co-founded the National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP), becoming a Member of Parliament in 1992. That same year, he was named Minister of Transport but was expelled from the UNDP in 1995 for joining the government. He later co-founded the ANDP with Hamadou Moustapha but was ousted from government again in 1996.

He returned to the political scene in 2007 with the creation of the Cameroon National Salvation Front (FSNC), and in 2009, he regained a ministerial post under Biya, becoming one of the regime’s most ardent defenders.

An Opposition of Convenience?

By resigning now, Tchiroma appears to be returning to his opposition roots. Yet his pattern of oscillating between government and opposition has created skepticism. Each withdrawal has been followed by a return; each alliance by a reversal. By blurring these lines so frequently, he has come to represent not so much change as ambiguity.

His current criticism of a system he once championed, with no admission of his own role in its governance, makes it hard to view this break as anything more than a tactical move. As the election approaches, his political reinvention seems driven less by ideological conviction than by opportunity. What emerges is a portrait of consistency in inconsistency, one that ultimately undermines his credibility.

Source: Business in Cameroon

Célestin Djamen officially announced his candidacy for Cameroon’s upcoming presidential election in Douala on June 17, 2025. He will run under the banner of the Alliance Patriotique Républicaine (APAR), the party he leads. This declaration comes amidst a tense political climate, where the legal criteria for presidential candidate admissibility are generating debate, criticism, and conflicting interpretations.

Many are recalling Djamen’s earlier opposition to Maurice Kamto’s candidacy. Djamen had argued that Kamto’s Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC) lacked elected officials after boycotting the 2020 municipal and legislative elections. Now, attention has shifted to APAR, a party with no known electoral base, raising questions about whether it meets the legal requirements.

Djamen has not publicly clarified whether APAR has any municipal or regional councilors. However, on May 8, David Eboutou, a university lecturer and political activist known to be close to Djamen, posted on social media that two municipal councilors would soon join APAR. Eboutou wrote, “Good news for Célestin Djamen’s APAR party, which will welcome two municipal councilors in the coming weeks. The party will thus have a presidential candidate.”

A Stir of Controversy

Eboutou’s statement quickly sparked a wave of critical, often mocking, online commentary. Many users pointed to the apparent inconsistency in Djamen’s stance. “These are the same people who kept shouting ‘inadmissible’ at the MRC, and now they’re using the same strategy,” one user wrote. Another remarked sarcastically, “So, Mr. Djamen, you’re now invoking the same constitutional provisions you so loudly opposed when it came to the MRC?“

Some users directly addressed Eboutou, accusing him of double standards. “David, aren’t you ashamed? When it’s APAR, it’s good news. When it’s the MRC, Kamto is manipulating the law.”

In an effort to clarify the issue, Eboutou also shared an opinion piece by Djamen. In it, the APAR leader re-examines the interpretation of Article 121, paragraph 2 of the Electoral Code, frequently cited in the ongoing debate. According to Djamen, the law does not require the political party itself to “have elected officials.” Instead, it stipulates that a candidate must be endorsed by a party represented in the National Assembly, Senate, or an elected council, whether municipal or regional.

Based on this reading, Djamen argues that his party can legitimately field a candidate, provided it includes elected officials, regardless of their original affiliation, and follows proper endorsement procedures. He concluded with a touch of irony: “All that remains for APAR, which has yet to contest any election, is to exercise its right to nominate a candidate by simply recycling a few excluded officials from across the country.”

Although legally reasoned, this position has not silenced critics, particularly concerning political coherence. By seeking to exploit loopholes in Cameroon’s electoral framework, Djamen now appears to be adopting a strategy he once vehemently denounced. His reversal raises questions about the principles guiding political competition in a country heading into what promises to be a contentious presidential race.

Source: Business in Cameroon

Ahead of the October 2025 presidential election, prominent Cameroonian figures are calling on citizens to use the ballot box to reject long-time President Paul Biya.

A coalition of university lecturers, civil society members, and traditional leaders issued a public appeal urging Biya, in power since 1982, not to stand again — or to be voted out if he does. They argue that at 92 years old, Biya’s continued rule symbolizes a stagnant political system ill-suited to address urgent crises such as the Anglophone conflict, economic hardship, and endemic corruption.

These collective voices have sparked fresh debate: while some local mayors and traditional chiefs insist Biya embodies stability, others — including church leaders — describe his candidacy as “unrealistic” and warn it threatens democratic progress .

Human Rights Watch and other observers have also criticized the regime for cracking down on opposition and independent groups in the lead-up to the vote, citing arrests and restrictions on political activity .

With a sizable youth population — more than 65% under 30 — and rising disillusionment over repeated calls for change, the upcoming election is shaping up as a defining moment for Cameroon’s future — a choice between the entrenched old guard and a new path forward.

Source: Africa News

On June 10, 2025, Jean Nkuete, Secretary-General of the Central Committee (SG/CC) of the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), released an 11-point statement addressing the increasingly polarized national political climate in the run-up to the presidential election. In the document, the Deputy Prime Minister directly targeted the opposition, specifically the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM), accusing it of escalating public tension.

Jean Nkuete wrote, “We are observing that, as the presidential election approaches, some political parties, several of which are grappling with their own internal contradictions, are feeding the public with false debates that create confusion.” His message became clearer as he denounced “calls for the preparation of a sacrificial and deadly insurrection,” referencing a third country whose situation, he argued, is incomparable to Cameroon’s.

The Shadow of the Paris Rally

This criticism is a thinly veiled attack on CRM leader Maurice Kamto, who delivered a controversial speech at a Paris rally on May 31. Kamto declared, “If we fail in 2025, it will be Cameroonians’ own fault.” The former Minister Delegate for Justice elaborated, “If we miss the opportunity for the change Cameroonians have been yearning for over decades, it will be our own fault. Don’t wait for anyone! Look at Senegal, what you saw there came after young Senegalese fought throughout 2023 and 2024, and there were nearly fifty deaths. Yes… Don’t think people just lie down and change happens. Transformation takes struggle.”

For Jean Nkuete, these remarks indicate a deliberate strategy to use confrontation as a political tool. He called for the rejection of all forms of violence, writing, “Cameroon is a mature nation, whose fundamentally republican people bear the scars of violence from the independence war, the dark years, and, more recently, the atrocities in the Northwest and Southwest regions.” He concluded by stating, “Cameroonians, who more than anyone know the cost and value of peace, will not allow personal ambition to endanger lives or jeopardize the peace, stability, and coexistence they have so dearly secured.“

CRM’s Response

In response to the accusations, CRM condemned what it called an attempt to criminalize political expression. According to barrister Désiré Sikati, a party member and lawyer at the Cameroon Bar, Kamto’s comments have been intentionally misrepresented. He asked, “Is it not legitimate and common in a democracy to call for public protests against illegality?” In his view, the May 31 speech should not be equated with a call for insurrection, but rather a lawful civic mobilization. He added, “Can a call to protest be interpreted as a call to die in a democratic state?“

The lawyer then reversed the accusation, implicitly pointing to the government’s suppression of political protests. He concluded in a pointed tone, “Should live bullets be fired at peaceful demonstrators in a democratic country?“

Source: Business in Cameroon