The new National Assembly building, recently inaugurated on November 30, 2024, will host an official naming ceremony on April 25, where it will be named the “Paul Biya Glass Palace,” the parliamentary institution’s president announced today.

“This ceremony speaks to all of us, especially we, the representatives of the people, regardless of political affiliation,” stated Right Honourable Cavaye Yegué Djibril.

The modern structure, valued at 50 billion CFA francs and gifted by China, previously hosted the closing of the November parliamentary session shortly after its inauguration. At that time, the National Assembly President secured Head of State Paul Biya’s approval for the building to bear his name.

Djibril also announced the establishment of a Directorate of Palaces within his office. This new department will be tasked “for maintaining this architectural gem equipped with state-of-the-art technical and technological facilities.”

Source: Business in Cameroon

The latest data from International Parliamentary Union (IPU) reveal the oldest Senate presidents in Africa.

Senators serve as stabilising forces in the political landscape, and often, the leaders of these chambers are individuals with decades of experience in public service. The role of these seasoned legislative leaders remains crucial in shaping Africa’s politics.

Here are the top 10 oldest current senate leaders in Africa

1. Marcel Niat Njifenji – Cameroon (91 years old)

At 91, Marcel Niat Njifenji stands as the oldest Senate leader on the continent. As President of the Senate in Cameroon, he has played a key role in the country’s legislative processes since 2013. His long political career has made him a central figure in Cameroon’s governance.

2. Paulette Missambo – Gabon (76 years old)

Leading Gabon’s Transitional Senate, Paulette Missambo brings decades of public administration and political activism to the role. At 76, she is one of the few women heading a parliamentary body in Africa .

3. Pierre Ngolo – Republic of the Congo (71 years old)

Pierre Ngolo has served in various governmental roles and is known for his influence within Congo’s legislative circles. At 71, his leadership continues to shape national policy making.

4. María Teresa Efua Asangono – Equatorial Guinea (68 years old)

As the first woman to preside over the Senate in Equatorial Guinea, María Teresa Efua Asangono, 68, symbolizes progress in gender representation in high political office.

5. Mabel M. Chinomona – Zimbabwe (67 years old)

Mabel Chinomona, 67, holds the distinction of being the President of Zimbabwe’s Senate. With a background in education and grassroots politics, she emphasises unity and institutional reform.

6. Richard Ravalomanana – Madagascar (66 years old)

At 66, Richard Ravalomanana serves as President of Madagascar’s Senate, where he plays a critical role in promoting democratic governance.

7. Kandia Kamissoko Camara – Côte d’Ivoire (66 years old)

Also aged 66, Kandia Camara is the first woman to lead the Ivorian Senate. With a strong background in education and diplomacy, her presidency is seen as an important moment in Côte d’Ivoire’s push for inclusive governance.

8. François-Xavier Kalinda – Rwanda (63 years old)

François-Xavier Kalinda, 63, heads Rwanda’s Senate with a focus on institutional resilience and reconciliation. His tenure reflects Rwanda’s post-genocide emphasis on unity, justice, and sustainable development.

9. Godswill Akpabio – Nigeria (63 years old)

At 63 former governor and minister, Godswill Akpabio brings a wealth of political experience to his role as Senate President in Nigeria.

10. Lindiwe Dlamini – Eswatini (60 years old)

At 60, Lindiwe Dlamini leads Eswatini’s Senate. Her leadership exemplifies the blend of modern political systems with cultural heritage in the kingdom.

Source: Business Today

A public spat has erupted within Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC), with former party executive Armand Noutack accusing activist Wilfried Ekanga of labeling party founders “careerists.” Noutack’s comments followed Ekanga’s social media post criticizing those who sought legislative or municipal office, a move Ekanga attributed to “careerism.” Noutack, expelled from the MRC in July 2023 by leader Maurice Kamto, was reacting to Ekanga’s defense of the party’s 2020 election boycott.

Ekanga’s remarks came in response to Sosthène Médard Lipot, another former MRC executive, who, during an April 1 appearance on state broadcaster CRTV, criticized the boycott. Lipot argued that the MRC would continue to suffer from the decision, revealing he only learned of the boycott while filing his candidacy at the Yaoundé Urban Community. “The overwhelming majority of party officials, myself included, were surprised by Maurice Kamto’s decision,” Lipot stated.

Calling the unilateral decision a “major strategic mistake,” Lipot expressed shock and confusion. “You can imagine the emotional shock. I didn’t know how to explain to anyone that I had no idea what was going on,” he said.

Ekanga, however, defended the boycott, stating, “No one in the MRC regrets the boycott. On the contrary, we celebrate it every 1982 seconds. It was the best political decision of the last ten years! Especially since it in no way prevents us from putting forward a candidate in the elections.”

Noutack countered, mocking Ekanga’s stance. “While Maurice Kamto claims that the MRC has elected officials (one wonders how), Ekanga boasts about a boycott that supposedly eliminated the ‘traitors.’ Very well, but then where do the elected officials Kamto talks about come from? Jupiter?“

Noutack further questioned Kamto’s consistency, noting his past electoral attempts. “Since the party’s creation, Maurice Kamto has never missed an election: in 2013, he tried to become a member of parliament… failure. In 2018, he aimed for Etoudi… failure. In 2020, since it didn’t directly concern him, he chose to boycott, citing the Anglophone crisis and the electoral code.“

Former MRC executives and political opponents argue that Kamto should bear the consequences of the 2020 boycott, given that the cited reasons—the Anglophone crisis and electoral law criticisms—remain unresolved.

Beyond the internal disputes, questions remain regarding Kamto’s eligibility to run in the 2025 presidential election. Cameroon’s electoral code requires candidates to be nominated by a party with institutional representation or secure 300 endorsements. The MRC’s 2020 boycott complicates the first option.

Kamto claims his party has elected officials who joined post-election, meeting the legal requirement. However, legal experts dispute this, arguing only officials elected under the party’s banner qualify. Without a valid nomination, Kamto may be forced to seek endorsements, a process often hindered by political pressure.

This debate, dividing opposition and legal circles, casts uncertainty over the MRC’s electoral strategy and Kamto’s 2025 candidacy.

Source: Sbbc

Recent appointments to the Central Committee of ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) have fueled speculation about potential expansions to the party’s influential Political Bureau, party members and political analysts say.

The Political Bureau, considered the CPDM’s core decision-making body, has not been renewed since the 2011 congress and has seen its membership dwindle from 23 to 14.

The bureau, designed to assist the national president in managing party affairs between Central Committee meetings, is composed of 20 members elected by the congress and three appointed by the president.

Since 2011, seven members have died: Jean-Bernard Ndongo Essomba (Centre), Medjo Delphine (South), Sultan Mbombo Njoya Ibrahim (West), Janvier Mongui Sossomba (East), Mohamadou Abbo Ousmanou (Adamawa), Zang Nguele Rose (Centre), and John Ebong Ngolle (Southwest).

Additionally, Emmanuel Bonde (East), appointed to the Constitutional Council, has also passed away. Former minister Marafa Hamidou Yaya, imprisoned since 2012 for embezzlement, further reduces the bureau’s ranks, leaving only 14 of the original 23 members.

A party congress would not only facilitate the inclusion of new members into the Political Bureau but also finalize the recent Central Committee additions, which followed the President’s appointments on March 26.

Source: Business in Cameroon

While Biya’s re-election in October seems all but inevitable, his prolonged stay in power – without meaningful dialogue or efforts toward a peaceful resolution – signals continued suffering and a deepening crisis for the Anglophone population.

At 92, Paul Biya, Africa’s second-longest-serving leader, announced in January that he would seek his eighth presidential term in the October elections, ending months of speculation over his candidacy.

In Anglophone Cameroon – the Northwest and Southwest regions – years of alleged electoral fraud, a deadly and protracted conflict and political exclusion have eroded faith in democratic participation. For the millions living there, daily life has become a constant struggle against fear, displacement and uncertainty.

Anglophone Cameroon has been engulfed in a deadly conflict for years, characterised by violence and deepening mistrust between separatist groups and the central government, which many in the region accuse of systemic human rights violations.

In search of recruits

On some nights in Tiko, a coastal town in Cameroon’s troubled Southwest region, 39-year-old Mbuh Margaret* stays awake while her two young daughters, both under 12, sleep nearby. Her eyes remain fixed on the door, her mind racing with fear of what might come.

“I don’t think I’ll ever recover,” she says, still haunted by the traumatic ordeal she endured in 2018 – an event that continues to cast a long shadow over her life.

That year, just weeks before the presidential election, separatist fighters stormed her home in a remote part of Bamenda, the Anglophone capital of Cameroon’s Northwest region. They arrived at midnight, demanding that her 43-year-old husband join their movement.

“They wanted more manpower against the government forces and were recruiting by any means necessary,” she recalls.

When he refused, they shot him in the head.

“I didn’t believe what I saw; everything happened in a second,” Margaret recalls.

Two days later, fearing for their lives, she fled with her daughters to Tiko, her late husband’s hometown. Now working as a farm labourer in a nearby village, she earns between CFA2,500 ($4) and CFA7,500 ($12) a week – barely enough to survive. Her meagre income forces her to borrow constantly, and the debts continue to mount.

Call for election boycott

Biya’s announcement of his candidacy for the October elections has reignited calls from separatist groups to boycott the vote in the Anglophone regions. Despite ongoing government crackdowns, separatist leaders argue that participating would only serve to legitimise Biya’s decades-long rule over their communities.

For Margaret and many others in the Anglophone regions, already enduring nearly nine years of conflict between separatist fighters and government forces, the election season brings renewed fear and uncertainty.

“In 2018, separatist groups first warned us to stay away from the election, using threats and violence to enforce compliance,” Margaret tells The Africa Report.

“At night, whenever I think about what led to my husband’s death, and how easily it could happen again, I lose my peace,” she says.

More than 6,000 killed

In October 2016, civil unrest broke out in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions when lawyers and teachers led protests against the marginalisation of English-speaking Cameroonians. The Francophone-led government in Yaoundé responded with force, shutting down internet services and branding the demonstrations a “terror procession”.

By 2017, what began as peaceful protests had spiralled into a full-scale separatist rebellion. Rebel leaders declared the independence of the self-styled Federal Republic of Ambazonia, claiming the Anglophone Northwest and Southwest regions. Though these areas make up just 3% of Cameroon’s territory, they are home to nearly 20% of its population.

As the conflict escalated, the government responded with a brutal crackdown, arresting thousands and opening fire on protesters. President Biya deployed the elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), a unit repeatedly accused of severe human rights abuses, to crush the separatist movement.

Nearly a decade later, the war drags on. More than 6,000 people have been killed, thousands remain missing, and hundreds of thousands have been displaced – many of them children struggling with malnutrition and disease in overcrowded camps or remote villages.

“It’s an ugly situation, and no one is safe,” says Beatrice*, 45, a resident of Kumba in the Southwest region. She lost her husband and three sons in a fire during a clash between separatists and government forces. She was the only one who survived.

‘We lost everything’

From Northwest’s Kumbo and Bamenda to Mamfe and Buea in the Southwest region, the scars of war are visible throughout Anglophone Cameroon. Bullet-riddled homes and abandoned buildings, left in ruins, have become common sights in communities where violence is now part of daily life.

Entire villages lie empty, silent evidence of what many describe as a partial genocide and a host of underreported war crimes. In these conflict-affected areas, children are among the most vulnerable. Many are forced into harsh agricultural labour or degrading work just to help their families survive.

“In late 2019, as government soldiers and separatist fighters exchanged gunfire in our village in Buea, my mother’s grocery shop was looted and set on fire,” says Peter*, a 15-year-old fisherman’s assistant in Limbe, a coastal town in the Southwest region. “I remember how we lost everything and became even poorer that night.”

Peter now earns between CFA15,000 ($24) and CFA24,000 ($38) a week, most of which goes toward supporting his family of five. According to UNICEF, nearly 500,000 children – including Peter and his childhood friends – were out of school across Cameroon’s Anglophone regions in 2024, as the conflict continues to disrupt education and displace communities.

As the crisis grinds on, Cameroon’s healthcare infrastructure continues to deteriorate, particularly in the English-speaking regions where medical facilities under Yaoundé’s control are often targeted in the conflict. The violence has forced many healthcare workers to flee, leaving residents to rely on private or religious clinics that are frequently overpriced, understaffed or ill-equipped.

Joy Francis*, a 19-year-old from a small village near Bamenda, tells The Africa Report that menstrual hygiene has become an overlooked emergency. Menstrual pads have either become unaffordable or completely unavailable, forcing many girls to use old rags or even thick leaves.

It’s a similar situation for Margaret, whose 12-year-old daughter also relies on scraps of old cotton during her period.

“It is disgusting and cruel for Paul Biya, a man who calls himself the father of the nation, to ignore the plight of Anglophone Cameroonians,” says a Douala-based political analyst, speaking anonymously due to a media ban on openly criticising the president.

“Without genuine political reform,” he warns, “we may be heading toward deeper anarchy in the English-speaking regions.”

Wave of violence

Ahead of the 2018 presidential election, Biya declared that Cameroon’s national unity was non-negotiable. Yet, both during his campaign and after securing re-election, he publicly acknowledged the severity of the Anglophone crisis, pledging to pursue a peaceful resolution. In 2019, he launched the Major National Dialogue aimed at addressing the grievances of the separatist movement.

However, separatist leaders and political critics dismissed the initiative as inadequate and unrealistic, arguing that it excluded key secessionist figures and failed to address fundamental demands, such as power-sharing or the prospect of independence.

“The crisis worsened, but Biya was not interested in recognising the separatist movement or their demands,” says a Yaoundé-based political analyst. “The peace plans were largely a political manoeuvre to convince the international community that the Anglophone unrest was merely a domestic issue that could be easily resolved.”

In reality, critics argue, little changed. Separatist leaders continued to be arrested and allegedly tortured, and before long, the dialogue collapsed – triggering yet another wave of violence and deepening the crisis.

Requests for comment from both the Cameroonian ministry of defence and the prime minister’s office went unanswered.

Possibility of Biya election loss?

Despite heavy media censorship in Yaoundé and state-controlled praise of Biya, French-speaking Cameroonians still discuss the future of their country, politics and economic policies in markets, offices and homes.

However, “when Cameroonians speak about their country, regime change rarely comes up”, says a senior lecturer and political analyst in Yaoundé. He explains that beyond Biya’s deep-rooted ties to France and the West, his regime’s longevity is due in part to its ability to suppress dissent and avoid the mistakes that toppled other long-serving leaders. “From the Arab Spring to the rise of anti-French sentiment, Biya seems to learn from leadership gaps that have ended other regimes,” he says.

English-speaking Cameroonians seldom debate the possibility of Biya losing an election – because survival, not politics, is their most pressing concern.

“It’s about our lives first,” says Margaret. “We don’t know if we’ll be even more forgotten by our countrymen – and the world.”

As external funding dries up, separatist fighters have increasingly turned on the very communities they claim to defend, looting homes, kidnapping civilians and extorting so-called “liberation taxes”. Women are often the most vulnerable. “I pay these taxes,” Margaret says. “Many women have been raped on the farms for failing to pay.”

Though some separatist factions have allowed schools to reopen, fear still lingers. For Margaret, the risk is too great. “Until my daughters’ safety is assured, they stay at home,” she says. “It’s better they lose their education than their lives.”

Culled from The Africa Report

Paul Biya has ruled Cameroon since 1982, presenting his long tenure as a guarantor of stability. Yet Marie-Emmanuelle Pommerolle, an expert on Cameroon, argues precisely the opposite: Biya’s prolonged grip on power has generated crises.

The regime’s entrenched elites resist meaningful reform, while economic stagnation and unresolved regional tensions, especially in the Anglophone regions, threaten national unity.

Who are the main contenders within Biya’s ruling circle?

Two key figures dominate the speculation. Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, the powerful secretary-general of the presidency, is positioning himself strategically by campaigning on Biya’s behalf, often overshadowing the prime minister. Franck Biya, the president’s son, is also rumoured to be a potential successor, though he remains politically discreet.

Meanwhile, Joseph Dion Ngute, Cameroon’s prime minister, seeks to assert his political relevance independently, notably leveraging economic events to strengthen his position against Ngoh Ngoh’s dominance.

What does the opposition offer?

The opposition remains divided but has notable leaders. Maurice Kamto of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM), who challenged Biya significantly in 2018, is again leading a broad coalition. Kamto, popular yet controversial, symbolises the hopes of many seeking change.

Joshua Osih of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) seeks a moderate path, targeting younger, urban voters. Yet his strategy risks alienating the grassroots supporters who once formed the party’s backbone.

Cabral Libii, younger and media-savvy, appeals to disillusioned youth, while veteran Garga Haman Adji is viewed with suspicion, sometimes accused of collaborating with Biya’s regime to dilute opposition effectiveness.

Could election integrity affect succession?

Enow Abrams Egbe, head of Elections Cameroon (Elecam), faces accusations of partiality. Elecam’s perceived lack of independence, highlighted by opposition complaints about electoral transparency, risks undermining the legitimacy of any future election.

What role might religious institutions play?

The Catholic Church, influential in Cameroonian politics, presents mixed signals. Archbishop Jean Mbarga of Yaoundé openly supports Biya, potentially aiding a smooth succession aligned with the current regime. However, other prominent bishops, including Samuel Kleda, criticise Biya’s extended tenure, reflecting broader societal divisions that might intensify post-Biya.

Could diaspora activists shape Cameroon’s future?

The diaspora-based Brigade Anti-Sardinards (BAS), critical of Biya’s government, remains a vocal presence abroad, notably staging provocative protests. While officially dismissed by Cameroon’s authorities, their ability to influence public discourse within Cameroon and internationally makes them an unpredictable force.

Is France’s influence waning?

Historically supportive, France’s relationship with Biya’s regime faces growing scrutiny amid rising anti-French sentiment. Younger Cameroonians increasingly question France’s paternalistic approach, demanding greater national autonomy

Whether from Biya’s camp or opposition, future leaders must navigate this dynamic.

Will the Anglophone crisis derail succession?

The ongoing conflict in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions, driven by deep-rooted grievances, has severely tested national unity. A successor who fails to address Anglophone marginalisation risks escalating tensions further, potentially destabilising the country.

Cameroon faces significant uncertainty as it approaches the post-Biya era. The country’s stability hinges on whether a genuine political transition, inclusive governance and credible elections can finally emerge from beneath the shadow of Africa’s longest-serving leader.

Culled from The Africa Report