8, May 2018
Southern Cameroons War: Dialogue with the Biya regime is unrealistic 0
The Republic of Cameroon under President Biya lost the title of “One and Indivisible” long ago. It has suffered tribalism, corruption, nepotism, state terrorism, ritual killings, police violence and abject poverty. But none of this compares with the destruction being inflicted on Southern Cameroonians today by a war orchestrated by the 85 year-old dictator, President Paul Biya.
The UN says some 40, 000 Southern Cameroonians have fled the crisis into neighboring Nigeria and are in need of some kind of humanitarian aid. The territory now known as the Federal Republic of Ambazonia is on the brink of collapse. The Interim Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia has announced to the world and its powerful Diaspora that the Ambazonian economy has crumbled, leaving Southern Cameroonians with impossible choices. Each day hospitals in the various counties are crowded with bodies of Southern Cameroons civilians killed by French Cameroun soldiers.
The worst of it is that the African Union, the UN and the powerful European Union seem unperturbed. Southern Cameroons has been a French Cameroun colony for 57 years under the direct supervision of successive French governments and the territory has not produce great African voices like Wole Soyinka, Desmond Tutu and Kofi Anan to make known their case as it concerns French Cameroun rule in Southern Cameroons. This explains why the AU, the EU and the UN are ignoring Southern Cameroons.
Interestingly, the West including the United States of America is standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the 85 year-old French Cameroun dictator who has been in power for 35 years and Biya is waging his war against Southern Cameroonians with Western war helicopters and munitions.
The war in Southern Cameroons has become more intractable with some political observers saying the Anglophones are too weak to rule over a united Cameroon but too powerful for the French Cameroun army to defeat. This week, President Paul Biya fired General Melingui Nouma as commander of French Cameroun forces in the Southern Zone of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia and replaced him with a little known figure in the military, Colonel Djotsa. Indeed, Colonel Djotsa has much to learn from his predecessor’s experience that even with the most sophisticated weapons, it is all but impossible to defeat a resistance that is well entrenched in a civilian population. The international community will always blame the stronger side for the pain of civilians. For the weaker lot, survival is victory. This is the current state of affairs in Southern Cameroons.
Consequently, even though the Biya Francophone regime keeps claiming that Southern Cameroonians started the war, the leadership of the Southern Cameroons Interim Government in the USA has accused the government in Yaoundé of war crimes. Often the accusation is justified. In their French Cameroun military campaign, they have been careless and incompetent. Francophone troops have attacked schools, markets, Christian churches and leaders including hospitals. They have burnt down towns and villages in both the Northern and Southern Zones of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia.
The French government has accorded President Paul Biya “plein pouvoir’ or a kind of carte blanche to act recklessly. President Emmanuel Macron may be thinking that it is all part of guaranteeing French hegemony in Southern Cameroons; or he may hope to profit by selling the Biya regime lots of old French military equipment and protect the oil fields in Southern Cameroons. Whatever the case, President Macron is damaging French’s interests and if President Buhari of Nigeria falls, the French will not be happy with the end results in Southern Cameroons. The Southern Cameroons war is an unwinnable war.
Dialogue with the Biya regime is unrealistic. A deal should involve a complete withdrawal of all French Cameroun forces and administrators from Southern Cameroons and the removal of President Biya and his ruling CPDM crime syndicate from office including holding of elections and creating a new political structure. French Cameroun and Southern Cameroons will then need an inclusive negotiation to be chaired by the United Nations. None of this will be easy. But a reasonable peace offer coming from a decent and new French Cameroun leader is more likely to crack the Ambazonian Interim Government than the reckless military campaign. We of the Cameroon Concord News Group are submitting that if wars are to be fought at all, they should be short, and have limited aims. This so-called President Biya’s war against Southern Cameroonians seems to be going nowhere.
Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
























8, May 2018
Southern Cameroons Crisis: “We trust the Catholic Church in the Anglophone areas, but not the bishops in the French-speaking areas,” 0
Agbor Gilbert Ebot has slept no more than two hours, he is exhausted. Nevertheless, the organiser of the Cameroon International Film Festival has been up since 6 am, headed to the police station in Buea, capital of the Southwest region of Cameroon, in the pouring rain.
Raking in money during the crisis
Most Buea locals have similar stories to tell. Ever since the conflict in Cameroon’s English-speaking areas escalated, security forces are omnipresent. Truckloads of heavily armed soldiers patrol the city at night. It’s a militarised state, says a local journalist who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisal. Residents suspected of being members of the so-called Ambazonia Defence Forces who are fighting for independence from Yaounde are arrested all the time, he says, adding that he has visited people held at the police station, where the conditions are a disaster. Those detained could not expect an actual trial, and bribes to get them released are common, the reporter told DW. “A lot of money is being made from this crisis.”
The country’s colonial past is still today behind the tensions.
Cameroon gained independence in the 1960s, when the former French-speaking mandated territory was joined with the English-language regions. The country has two official languages, two education systems, two legal systems. However, the minority in the Anglophone southwest has felt disadvantaged and marginalised for years. In 2016, lawyers in the English-speaking region took to the streets, followed by a teacher strike and more protests. The government ignored their demands and instead reacted with a security crackdown. Several protesters were killed, the internet was switched off for three months while strikes paralysed schools, and businesses closed one day a week for special “ghost town days.”
President declares war on separatists
Paul Biya, Cameroon’s President who’s been in power for more than 35 years, instituted a Commission for Bilingualism and Multiculturalism, but many English-language speakers argue that is not enough. Demonstrations flared again in late 2017, and security forces killed at least 40 people. The protest became radicalised, various separatist groups formed, killing security and state officials they believed to be police informers. The president has since declared war on the separatists.
Now the battles lines are drawn. More than 100 civilians and 40 security officers have died. The International Crisis Group (ICG) has urged the Catholic Church to mediate in the conflict. The church represents one out of three Cameroonians, it is a powerful force.
“I agree, but it will be very difficult under the present circumstances,” Buea bishop Emmanuel Busho told DW, adding that the top authority in the country isn’t prepared to enter into a dialogue. “They are trying to dictate the conditions for a dialogue but we believe we need to speak as equals – if you pose conditions, there can be no dialogue.”
Church is divided
The government has refused to speak to the radical groups. DW asked for but was not granted an interview with a government representative. In 2016, the Catholic bishops wrote the president a letter detailing the Anglophone Cameroonians’ worries but the government accused the bishops of fuelling the conflict. Moreover, even the Francophone and the Anglophone bishops don’t see eye to eye. “We trust the Catholic Church in the Anglophone areas, but not the bishops in the French-speaking areas,” an activist who supports the separatists told DW. The Francophone bishops are regarded loyal to the government he added: “Before the crisis, both chose sides.”
Whether or not the church can act as mediator will depend on whether the bishops can agree. If they can’t, the conflict threatens to escalate further. Separatists have told DW they would do everything in their power to prevent presidential elections scheduled for October — hoping to force the government to the negotiating table.
Source:Mail&Guardian