Many Francophone political elites from the ruling Beti-Ewondo clan have been publishing write-ups in favor of the current military operation in Southern Cameroons.  In a recent article captioned Les sécessionnistes, Enoh Meyomesse painted the people of Southern Cameroons as Biafra who escaped the Nigerian civil war and occupied Cameroonian land.  The Enoh Meyomesse document released with funding and support from the presidency of the republic in many ways resemble one of the articles for which Hassan Ngeze was convicted for genocide in the media trial at the ICTR.

Hassan Ngeze was not a soldier nor was he in the battlefield or even personally fired a single gunshot. The basis for his conviction was based on the ground that he defined the Hutu in ethnic terms thus providing those who perpetrated genocide in Rwanda an ideological base for crimes. The definition of the so-called “secessionists” in the Enoh Meyomesse article as Nigerians or Biafrans in an ongoing armed conflict formally declared by the head of state thus trickling the operation of the Geneva Convention VII 1949 which Cameroun ratified since 1963 provides President Paul Biya and all those involved in the prosecution of the war an ideological basis for the genocide and other crimes.

The article provides a nationality basis for the war as opposed to the so-called sovereignty basis.  The writer defined Southern Cameroonians as Nigerians, called them Biafrans, who settled in Cameroon or escaped from the Biafra war and sought refuge in Cameroon. He falsely attributed the alleged crimes against members of the armed forces of Cameroun on this category. He seeks to alert and mobilize the Cameroun nation to whom the “secessionist” is.

The Enoh Meyomesse article including others published by pro-Biya newspapers seeks to extend the conflict beyond the territory claimed by Cameroun and a larger conflict with Nigeria. It seeks to push the frontiers of the internationalization of the crisis which the formal declaration of war and the trickle of the 1949 Geneva Convention already did. The Judgment of the International Court of Justice between Cameroun and Nigeria did not settle the nationality question. If the secessionists are defined as Nigerians present in the supposed territory of the Southern Cameroons as the writer strongly asserts, then under international law, Nigeria will have a right to intervene to protect its citizens and its national minorities.

The ethnic nationalities in the border areas from the Niger Delta and the Gulf of Guinea right up to the North are of the same ethnic composition.  Neither the international boundaries nor international law can deny the people their ethnicity. On the contrary, international law protects them.

The Biya Francophone guerilla writer’s knowledge of history was so biased and truncated. On the basis of international law, alone, the legal effect of the Versailles Treaty was to vitiate the legality of Germany imperial possessions and placed them as wards of the international legal order that emerged after the First World War. In international law, German Kamerun as such no longer existed. The mandate system oversaw the enforcement of this international legal order leading to the Trusteeship system.

Prominent Southern Cameroons political elites had commented on the issue and pointed out the fact that Um Nyobe and the UPC initiated discussions with the leaders of the Southern Cameroons on or about 1952 with the intention of negotiating the establishment of a new nation of the Cameroons truly independent, progressive and free from imperial interest. Had Um Nyobe sought the reconstruction of the so-called German Kamerun, he would have been told that international treaty law under which the treaty of Versailles must be interpreted and implemented had renders all claims to that entity null and void and of no effect whatsoever. That explains why a claim over parts of Congo, Gabon, Chad that formed part of the German possessions were never contemplated nor even sustainable in international law. Although the efforts deployed by Um Nyobe and Southern Cameroons leaders were sabotaged, it was indeed his idea and that of these leaders to negotiate a form of union of equal, free and progress anti imperial peoples that was stolen, distorted and used as the rationale for the annexation and military occupation of the Southern Cameroons.

It is the humiliation and enduring effect of enslavement by a neo-colonial vassal puppet of French imperial interests in the Southern Cameroons that fuelled the present resistance which has been going on for the past 56 years and continuing.  The formal declaration of war by the puppet Paul Biya whose actions the Enoh Meyomesse justified and provided a genocidal motivation for the ongoing slaughter must not be construed to obviate the fact that we have been victims of armed aggression with exponential loss of lives, property and identity over the last fifty six years.

We of Cameroon Intelligence Report regrettably see a form of ethnic solidarity in the support of the ongoing wave of international criminality against the civilian population of the Southern Cameroons. With a few diehard genociders like Laurent Esso,  Isa Tchiroma, Cavaye Djibril, the ideologues of the genocidal ideology have identified themselves as persons coming essentially from one ethnic group. Paul Biya, Owona Nguini, the television Channel TV4, the Military High Command, and the CPDM crime syndicate.

We have often wondered why on earth a supposed professional conventional army will chose a border territory to declare an international armed conflict as Biya did. Military strategists would have advised against such a move as suicidal. From an in-depth analysis of the Enoh Meyomesse article, it is obvious that President Biya and his think tank must have defined the enemy along the lines proposed by this writer and decided to use Manyu as a launching pad to confront the enemy. Let us wait and see how this gamble will work out.

We have carefully considered the writings of many Camerounians who although not in favour of the independence option sought by Southern Cameroonians in their immense majority, nevertheless, like Um Nyobe in 1952 have provided alternative ways of resolving this conflict.   Paul Biya supported by the writer and many in his ethno-tribal crime syndicate have opted for a war of genocide against supposed foreign enemies identified as Nigerians or Biafrans. For this reason, the more than 1,500 Southern Cameroons armless civilian victims who have been killed, thousands more raped, maimed, abducted and interned in concentration Nazi-like military, paramilitary and civilian encampments are foreigners, and according to the Enoh Meyomesse and Paul Biya, do not desert the protection of international law, in particular the Geneva Conventions.  We have a message for them. They will be held accountable for these crimes.

We of the Cameroon Intelligence Report encourage and continue to encourage peace advocates not to despair despite the preponderance of support for the genocide of Southern Cameroons by French Camerouns power elite and supposed intellectual class.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Chairman and Editor-in-Chief
Cameroon Concord News Group

A secessionist push in Cameroon’s English-speaking regions is on the brink of a full-blown revolt, threatening political stability in a country ruled by one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders. Following a crackdown on independence supporters who tried to raise flags on government buildings in the central African nation’s English-speaking regions in October, at least 16 members of the security forces have been killed in attacks the government blames on the activists. This month a mob of 200 men besieged a paramilitary police station, according to the government.

Vital Ports

Cameroon’s English-speaking minority, about a fifth of the population, has complained of marginalization for decades and many highly educated Anglophones have moved abroad. The country, whose roads and ports are vital for landlocked neighbors such as oil-producing Chad, was split after World War I into a French-run zone and a smaller, British-controlled area.

Radical factions of the protest movement in the Northwest and Southwest regions now refer to the area as Ambazonia and discuss armed struggle on social media. About 20 percent of the population in the affected regions is estimated to support secession, according to the Brussels-based International Crisis Group.

The unrest comes as Cameroon’s army struggles to halt a spate of bombings and raids by the Islamist militant organization Boko Haram near the northern border with Nigeria. While Boko Haram forced thousands of Cameroonians to flee their homes last year, the secession campaign poses a much bigger threat to the government, Heungoup said by phone from Nairobi, Kenya’s capital.

“Even if Boko Haram killed a lot of people, it was clear from the onset that they would never threaten or capture the state,” he said. “But the Anglophone crisis calls the foundations of the Cameroonian state into question.”

Heavy-handed Response

President Paul Biya, who calls the secessionists criminals, is seeking to extend his 35-year rule in elections next year. Biya is the continent’s second-longest serving head of state, after Teodoro Obiang of neighboring Equatorial Guinea. Robert Mugabe, who ruled Zimbabwe since 1980, resigned in November.

Ambazonia now has a self-proclaimed president, a flag and an official government website. Commonwealth Secretary-General Patricia Scotland spent five days in Cameroon this month in an attempt to defuse the crisis.

“When this crisis was in its beginning stages, the government thought it could kill a few protesters, arrest others and heavily militarize the North West and South regions for the crisis to be over,” said Shadrack Mbiwang, an activist who claims to be a member of the Ambazonia army. “This time around, we are ready to fight and fight till the restoration of our statehood.”

Culled from Bloomberg.com

With the year coming to an end, many Cameroonians are impatiently looking forward to the traditional end-of-year speech as they believe it could bear a special message of hope. The country has been wrapped up in conflict for over a year. There have been calls for inclusive dialogue, but the calls seem to have been falling on deaf ears as government extremists have opted for oppression and repression as the ideal tools for conflict resolution.

For more than a year, not even the country’s leader has addressed the nation. Many had hoped that in the face of such an escalating situation, the country’s authorities will instead tilt toward a strategy of winning hearts and minds, but their hard rethoric has always been accompanied by violent military action that has only made matters worse.

According to the International Crisis Group, more than sixty civilians have been killed, at least sixty government troops have also been killed and an indeterminate number of secessionist fighters have been sent to an early grave.

These statistics do not seem to convince the government that dialogue is the ideal way to stabilize the country. The Hawks in the regime are still beating their war drums even when the writing on the wall is visible and clearly indicates that the way forward must go through a negotiating table.

Though there are calls for inclusive dialogue, it must be acknowledged that it will be hard having the government and separatists around the same table. The anger is deep and the grievances are many and complex.

However, all hopes are not lost. While the above-mentioned groups could be diametrically opposed to each other and are even against dialogue, as their definitions of dialogue are different, there are third parties that have clearly indicated their willingness to act as mediators.

This is a conflict that will never have a clear winner. Even the government with its regular military has come to realize that declaring a war does not imply winning it. The numerous setbacks government troops have faced in Manyu Division clearly indicate that whenever there is war, the casualties will not only be on one side.

More than sixty army soldiers have been sent to an early grave and many more corpses are being picked up around the thick Manyu equatorial jungle. These lives could have been spared if dialogue had been engaged right from the beginning.

Yesterday, nine new military corpses were registered at the Mamfe Divisional mortuary and many more soldiers have been declared missing, with scores deserting for fear of death.

A young Manyu soldier’s corpse was taken to Limbe yesterday where his family lives. Though an Anglophone, he was killed by his own brothers in the jungle. He was considered an enemy just for wearing the military fatigue. A reminder that there are no brothers or sisters in situations of war.

Military authorities are clearly not giving a true picture of military casualties. Manyu Division has been a grave yard to these young and inexperience soldiers who do not understand the Manyu jungle.

This unfortunate situation should advise the government that it must pursue genuine and inclusive dialogue relentlessly. It is in the interest of all Cameroonians to work hard to ensure the government and Anglophones meet at the negotiating table to work out their differences.

But will this happen anytime soon? The end-of-year speech will be an occasion for the government to clearly articulate a message of hope and peace. Tricks have failed. Attrition has not worked. War has brought more pain and sorrows to both Anglophones and Francophones. A new strategy must be given a chance and that strategy must be predicated on peace.

However, in order not to be very disappointed, it’s better to expect nothing new. Cameroonians have seen lots of things go wrong in their country. The Anglophone crisis offers a clear manual on how a crisis should not be managed. The end-of-year speech may not bear the message many may want to hear. Expect less and the disappointment will be less.

By Dr. Joachim Arrey

The Manyu constituency indeed had enjoyed relative peace during the start of the Anglophone uprising in October 2016 following a simple boycott of the courts by Cameroon Common Law Lawyers. Throughout the months that follow,  while students and teachers respected the civil disobedience campaign launched by the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society and the  boycott of  schools throughout the entire Northwest and some parts  of the Southwest including Lebialem Division, educational establishments in  Manyu operated  till the end of  the first semester  of the academic year  2016/2017.

From January 2017, the Anglophone crisis took a dramatic u-turn in Manyu following intensive calls by the teacher’s trade union for a total boycott of schools and support for ghost towns operations which drained the courts and the business community. Manyu businessmen, civil society leaders and lawyers joined the struggle to enforce the disobedience strategies used by the leadership of the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society to ensure that the objectives were met-  a measure which yielded 90 % success in all Southern Cameroons operations in Manyu and exposed the evil nature and greed of the Manyu political elites.

During this period, Manyu witnessed many killings, police brutality, the burning of schools and attacked on business premises. Things became even more intractable in the month of March 2017 following serious French Cameroun government threats via the administration headed by the then SDO for Manyu, Peter tieh  Ndeh. Consequently, the teachers of both Basic and Secondary Educational institutions started heading back to school while parents raised the issue of insecurity on pupils and students.

Several meetings were held grouping the administration, the clergy and the business community to convince parents to send their children to school. These actions all met with a stone wall erected by calls to release all Southern Cameroonians arrested by the Francophone dominated army and police agencies.

The change of administration in Manyu meant a change in approach in handling the already hydra-headed   ongoing crises.   Peter tieh Ndeh, the Senior Divisional Officer for Manyu at the start of the Southern Cameroons revolution was transferred and replaced by OUM I I Joseph and things started falling apart.  Many now believe Oum II’s approach has taken Manyu Division to the current state of the crisis.  There are reasons why many in Manyu hold this anti Oum II opinion:

1- His messages were not good for public consumption.  During  an installation  ceremony in Eyumojock,  he  made a mockery of Southern Cameroonians and warned of severe consequences  if Manyus  don’t stop  the strike  and ghost  towns.

2-He ordered the shutting down of businesses and collected huge amounts of money from traders who respected the ghost towns to reopen their shops.

3-He reportedly provoked the burning of schools by stopping the circulation of bike riders including goods and services on non ghost town days.

The22nd of September killings and the start of the resistance:

Prior to Friday the 22^nd of September 2017, some traders whose stores had been closed by the SDO,  Oum II Joseph  had booked an audience  to meet with the French Cameroun prefect .During deliberations, the SDO told the Manyu natives out rightly that their shops have been sealed forever and that they should go and do something else not business.

The business men and women joined the September 22^nd protest that was going on peacefully until Mr. SDO decided to shoot one of the protesters on the leg in front of his office. Two persons were injured by gun shots, one was killed and one drowned in the Badi River. More than 35 were arrested. And the aftermath of this excessive show of force was the burning down of the GTHS administrative block.  Schools in Manyu Division that had started gaining steam were all forced to close down.

The business men who had met the Francophone thug passing for a senior divisional officer however decided to embark on another peaceful protest against the action of OUM II Joseph. The business community protest by some strange happenstance attracted hundreds of Manyu citizens predominantly victims of the Biya Francophone regime’s onslaught on Mamfe town. The crackdown that followed saw the return of Odeshi.

The return of Odeshi:

Manyus had to demonstrate to President Biya and his gang of inexperience administrators that gun power is a thing of the past by invoking the Odeshi. Odeshi is not new in Manyu. To be sure, it’s as old as the founders of the Boki land but Manyu had abandoned it for Christianity.

The people of Manyu walked away from their traditional rulers many of whom are not the rightful owners of the chieftaincy stools , rallied some young men in the constituency and initiated them into the Odeshi and all of a sudden, the Francophone dominated army has become powerless and is currently directing its bullets and frustration on innocent civilians.

The Biya regime that thrives on native juju and ritual killings recruited some pigmies in the East region and ferried them to Manyu to destroy the power of Odeshi. What they failed to know is that God in his infinite image gave the Manyus the Obasinjom. No traditional medicine or charm from anywhere in the world can function in Manyu in the presence of the Obasinjom.

The action of the SDO and the Cameroon military against unarmed protesters has changed Southern Cameroons history forever.   Manyu will never go back to its pro Yaoundé policies.  It is now a battle ground for restoration forces and the government. Ambazonia will win

By Judith Fon in Mamfe

There is an ongoing crisis in Cameroon. Thousands have fled the English-speaking areas of the country because of violence and unrest, and many are calling for an independent state. What has the government done to alleviate this situation, and does it go far enough?

For several decades, the minority English-speaking community in Cameroon has been expressing its disillusionment with the reunification process that brought the English and the French-speaking parts of the country together in 1961.

They complain about marginalisation and under-representation in the country’s Francophone-dominated administration. Such conditions are in direct contravention to the reunification accords which pledged to preserve the status of the erstwhile autonomous English-speaking state of West Cameroon federated with French-speaking East Cameroon. This union was abruptly terminated in 1972 leading to the dissolution of the State of West Cameroon into two administrative provinces.

This issue of contention has since sparked recurrent waves of protests in Anglophone Cameroon. Fresh protests broke out in October 2016, following a strike by Anglophone teachers and lawyers demanding for educational and judiciary reforms.

Pro-Anglophone movements took advantage of the strikes to demand a return to a federal system of administration that was abolished in 1972 while others have been pushing for the establishment of an independent state, separate from the majority French-speaking areas.

As it now stands, thousands have fled the English-speaking areas because of continued violence and unrest.

Protests, strikes and boycotts

Thus far, protests have largely been nonviolent in nature. These include controversial school boycotts, enforcement of general strikes (known locally as ‘ghost towns’), public protests, advocacy campaigns and the establishment of a governing council to speak on behalf of the Anglophones, which was set up by pro-Anglophone movements in the diaspora.

However, violent incidents such as the burning down of school buildings have also recently been witnessed. The involvement of pro-Anglophone movements in these crimes, however, has yet to be fully established beyond a set of unproven assumptions claiming that their aim was to reinforce continued school shut down.

Current protests have resulted in increased youth radicalisation, the loss of lives, the destruction of property, the imprisonment of Anglophone activists, school shut downs, poor school performance, a slowdown in economic activity, an Anglophone diaspora at odds with the government, a general sense of insecurity and a deep sense of political distrust between the Anglophone communities and the government.

The crisis contributes to the multiple conflicts risks threatening Cameroon’s fragile peace. These include the Boko Haram insurgency infiltrating the country from neighbouring Nigeria and the uncertainty that characterises the peaceful political transition from the 34-year old regime in Cameroon.

Dialogue for peace

This Anglophone crisis is a divisive and politically sensitive subject handled with caution by civil society organisations and Cameroon’s friends and partners.

None of them boldly identify themselves with either side but have however expressed concerns over human right abuses. They have called for dialogue towards sustainable peace. These include the United States Department of the State, The African Union Commission, the United Nations Secretariat for Central Africa, the United Nations Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Central Africa, Pope Francis and the Bar Council of England and Wales.

Earlier in the crisis, Roman Catholic Bishops in Anglophone Cameroon issued a letter stating their understanding of Anglophone grievances. They have called for dialogue to facilitate their peaceful resolution. The same call came from the Fons (ethnic traditional rulers) of Cameroon’s North West Region who, like some Independent Opinion Leaders, have urged for the release of pro-Anglophones detainees to foster peace.

Palliative measures

n December 2016, the government responded to the crisis by engaging in talks with members of a civil society consortium that was created to speak on behalf of the Anglophone communities. These talks, however, were short-lived due to the political nature of some of the demands.

In a subsequent controversial move, the state resorted to arresting and detaining the leaders of the consortium. Others went into exile. Access to the internet was suspended in English-speaking Cameroon for three months to curb the flow of information that the government believed was fanning the crisis.

Since then, continued calls for dialogue have largely been ignored. In August 2017, the government sent delegations to discuss the state of the crisis with the diaspora. This initiative was met with stiff resistance from Anglophone activists living abroad.

Nonetheless, the government has begun introducing a series of progressive measures to address some pertinent concerns regarding the effective integration of the Anglophone communities in Cameroonian society.

These include the translation of the OHADA Uniform Act (a law harmonising business transactions in Africa) into the English language, the creation of the National Commission for Bilingualism and Multiculturalism to foster greater national integration, the creation of a Common Law Bench at the Supreme Court of Cameroon as well as a Common Law Department at the School of Administration and the English-speaking Universities of Buea and Bamenda. Some pro-Anglophone activists under detention have also been released.

These, however, have been judged as palliative measures. They do not tackle the root cause of the crisis – supposedly the quest for a federal state or secession. Some pro-Anglophone movements want a neutral third party mediating talks to resolve the crisis.

This is where the deadlock lies and until this is broken, it is uncertain the crisis will end anytime soon.

Source: Reliefweb