30, March 2025

CPDM Covid Scandal: Prosecutor seeks 10-Year ban for 4 officials ⁰

The Advocate General of the Chamber of Accounts of the Supreme Court requested on Thursday that financial penalties and disqualifications be imposed on four officials from the Ministry of Public Health implicated in mismanagement related to a public contract for the COVID-19 response in 2020, during today’s hearing.

Public prosecutor Félix Owona Etoundi, representing the state, called for a fine of 2 million CFA francs each against Élysée Amour II Eyenga Ndjomo, Technical Advisor No. 1 at the Ministry of Public Health; Ousmane Diaby, Head of the Studies and Projects Division within the same ministry; Rémy Bekolo Edou, Logistics Accountant at the minister’s office; and Abiba Ntue Ngapout, Paymaster at the specialized Treasury office attached to the Ministry of Public Health.

The Advocate General also requested “a five-year ban for the individuals from holding any role involving authorizing or managing funds in a public or semi-public body, or in a state-owned enterprise,” as well as “a ban from holding any position of responsibility in the public administration.” If the judges follow the prosecution’s recommendations, the accused would effectively lose their civil servant status for a decade.

To justify these sanctions, the prosecution cited no fewer than five acts of mismanagement. The first was the lack of qualification of the members of the commission tasked with receiving the 278 million CFA franc contract for the construction of an isolation center at Ngaoundéré Regional Hospital in 2020. This commission included the late former Secretary of State Alim Hayatou, Élysée Amour II Eyenga Ndjomo, Ousmane Diaby, Rémy Bekolo Edou, and the CEO of Grand Lux, the contractor. As the Advocate General reminded the court, some of the accused admitted they lacked the necessary qualifications to serve on the commission.

During the hearing, Élysée Amour II Eyenga Ndjomo stated that “strictly speaking, they should not have sat on this commission,” while Ousmane Diaby declared that “aside from myself and the delegated project owner, the late Alim Hayatou, the other members of the commission were not competent to sign a work acceptance report.” Rémy Bekolo Edou concurred, stating that “the commission should have changed the format of this report, because it was not, in principle, authorized to accept construction work.”

The second act of mismanagement, according to the prosecution, concerns the commission validating the reception of construction work instead of “goods, items, and materials,” as specified in the acceptance report.

The third alleged mismanagement involves an advance payment on the work set at 40%, whereas the public procurement code limits this type of advance to 20%.

The fourth act of mismanagement relates to the failure to pay the full guarantee deposit before issuing a start-up advance. Instead, the contractor Grand Lux paid the guarantee only eight months later.

Finally, the fifth act involves accountant Abiba Ntue Ngapout, accused of fully paying a purchase order of 111 million CFA francs before any services had been rendered.

For all these charges, the Advocate General called for “exemplary sanctions” because the judges’ decision is “highly anticipated.”

Following the defense pleadings presented by the two lawyers representing the accused—who rejected all charges brought by the prosecution—the panel of judges adjourned its decision until April 17.

Source: Sbbc

30, March 2025

Cameroon still faces power cuts despite full output from Nachtigal Dam ⁰

Nearly a month after blackouts began to worsen across Cameroon’s Southern Interconnected Grid, electricity outages continue to affect seven of the country’s ten regions. In Yaoundé, the planned power cuts announced to last four to six hours often extend for several days. Many neighborhoods are without power, and other towns and villages across the country are also affected. Homes and businesses are struggling to cope.

Power utility Eneo has been sending alerts to customers, citing repeated issues on the transmission network managed by Sonatrel, the national electricity transmission company. The alerts mention ongoing maintenance work, fallen poles, broken cables caused by trees falling during heavy rains, and fires at overloaded transformers. In recent days, Eneo has reported almost daily incidents at the Nyom substation, located on the outskirts of Yaoundé. This substation is newly built and plays an important role in transmitting power from the Nachtigal dam.

The Nachtigal hydropower dam has been connected to the national grid since the first half of 2024. The first of its seven turbines, each with a capacity of 60 MW, began generating electricity last year. On March 18, 2025, the dam reached full capacity, with all seven turbines injecting a total of 420 MW into the grid, according to NHPC, the company in charge of the project. The official inauguration of the dam is scheduled for April 3.

Despite the increase in electricity production, the distribution network remains unreliable. Many parts of the country are still experiencing power cuts. Sources close to the project say that some of the new power lines needed to deliver electricity from the Nachtigal project are not yet completed. As a result, it is difficult to use all the power produced by the dam. Industrial demand has also grown, with an estimated additional need of more than 300 MW, according to industry sources.

Under the agreement between the State of Cameroon and NHPC, the government is required to pay CFA10 billion each month as soon as the dam becomes fully operational. This payment is due whether the energy is consumed or not. Since March 18, when the dam began supplying its full 420 MW to the grid, this condition has been in effect.

Although the dam has increased Cameroon’s electricity production capacity by 30%, many consumers are still experiencing daily outages.

Source: Business in Cameroon

30, March 2025

Financial scandal rocks Mkpot Oil Mill Project!! Manyu Chiefs won’t talk ⁰

Chronic embezzlement, abetting assassinations and intimidations are the currencies of tyrants. Michael Mbi Oruh, the traditional ruler of Mkpot village in Manyu Division has gained prominence in demonstrating that supporting extrajudicial killings, hijacking communal farms and embezzling funds intended to stimulate employment in his village are fundamentally his persona.

Cameroon Concord News is on the verge of completing an 18-month investigation into one of the nastiest and most inhumane killers in Cameroon. Our meticulous investigation, which spans 12 years, covers three continents (Africa, Europe, and North America). Over the coming weeks, this publication will lay bare the vicious criminal empire the so-called Chief Michael Mbi Oruh rules over. Our findings are jaw-dropping, shocking, and profound.

We have uncovered a bandit who used his position as technical adviser in Cameroon’s Ministry of Industries, Mines and Technological Development to apply for and obtain part of four million six hundred and fifty-six thousand forty US dollars (USD 4,656,040) total cost of a project with the title, improving income generating potential of Oil Palm in Nigeria and Cameroon—CFC/FIGOOF/28. The project was jointly facilitated, sponsored and overseen by the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC), the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), and the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO).

Cameroon Concord News Kingsley Betek uncovered a scheme where Chief Oruh swindled donation money meant for the building of a health centre in a region where the average person lives on less than $1 a day.

In one of our publications in 2020, we raised concern that Chief Michael Mbi Oruh with the aid of Egbe John Besong, Orock Thomas Nchung, and Otang Ivo Enow supported the execution of a series of extrajudicial killings and other crimes against humanity in Mkpot Village.

Our chief correspondent in Mamfe now has ample, authentic and critical audio, text, and other forms of recorded evidence linking Chief Michael Mbi Oruh and his crime syndicate to these gross human rights violations and heinous crimes. The recent revelation is Chief Michael Mbi Oruh’s failed harsh ploy to assassinate Sesekou Dr Mbu Phillip Eno and Sesekou Otang Wilfred Obi aka NseMgbe.

In Nigeria, where Michael Mbi Oruh lived as a young man, he has been told never to come back! And in the USA where he claimed to have undertaken some university education, Manyu citizens have openly questioned his professed academic qualifications and have often painted a picture of a loner with a disturbing mind.

In this first of four articles, we intend to highlight the Mkpot Oil Mill scandal in which Chief Michael Mbi Oruh siphoned and misappropriated CFA Francs 750,000,000 (over one million dollars) grant, as part of the USD 4,656,040, allocated for the construction of an Oil Mill in Mkpot, as a palm oil processing centre intended to accommodate and enhance the production capacity of farmers under Central Ejagham Palm Oil Producers’ Union (CEPOPU). The remainder of the total funds (USD 4,656,040) intended to improve the income-generating potential of the oil palm in West and Central African regions (Cameroon and Nigeria) was allocated to Teze/Ngie, Sombo (Cameroon) and AkwaIbom State (Nigeria).

Cameroon is a major palm oil producer in Central Africa but according to reliable estimates, the country still imports about 60,000 tons annually to meet domestic demand. To address this shortfall, this project that was jointly sponsored by CFC and UNIDO, over a decade ago, was intended to support a sector characterized by obsolete production equipment and little access to technology and financing. The project’s objective was to establish and equip four medium-scale palm oil processing centres in Cameroon and one in Nigeria. The processing capacity of the mills was established to be 2 tons per hour and one of the sites selected for this was Mkpot village in Manyu Division, Southwest Region, Cameroon. This particular project was overseen by Chief Michael Mbi Oruh, the then technical adviser in Cameroon’s Ministry of Industries, Mines and Technological Development and the supposed chief of the village. Chief Michael Mbi Oruh told Voice of America in an interview on the 1st of November 2009 that “the goal of the project was to help the country use palm oil to generate income…” Kingsley Betek says this project was a con from Mbi Oruh who is somehow addicted to fiddles.

In applying for the grant, Michael Mbi Oruh told UNIDO that the money was to train “farmers in new and more efficient ways of processing palm oil and also to buy planting material and equipment.” Astonishingly, the good people at UNIDO provided what he asked for. However, very little happened on the ground in Mkpot village!

Our reporters were shown a dilapidated building, posturing as an Oil Mill, which Michael Mbi Oruh built for less than 5% of the millions he received from CFC and UNIDO.

According to the grant documents seen by Cameroon Concord News reporters, and the CFC 2016 and 2018 Annual Report, the mill in Mkpot had to create over 250 new jobs and improve household incomes in the Manyu local area, especially Eyumojock. Over the last few years, Michael Mbi Oru has been blaming the current crisis in the Southwest and Northwest regions for the lack of productivity in the oil mill but his subjects told Cameroon Concord News reporters that the mill never actually got off the ground. One of the villagers who spoke on grounds of anonymity said “Mbi Oruh built this sub-standard building here to take pictures and justify to his superiors in Yaoundé that the project was genuine, it was just a scam all along”. According to some disturbing facsimile of documents, Chief Mbi Oruh lured Minister Victor Arrey Mengot into the scam by selling the minister shares in the project.

The disgusting structure built in Mkpot village to pass for an oil mill is certainly not a 700 Million FCFA building. Correspondingly, our reporters were taken to a beautiful house that Michael Mbi Oruh had constructed in Mkpot for himself during the oil mill project. There is enormous evidence that his houses in Yaoundé and Limbe were built or restructured and modified from the proceeds of this oil mill theft.

According to his family members, the people of Mkpot fought bitterly against their brothers in Bakwelle for the land they acquired to cultivate a communal palm plantation for the village, which has now been hijacked by Michael Mbi Oruh as his private estate. A source in the US hinted Cameroon Concord News that Peter Nayongho, the man who supplied the land for the building of the mill was given a 2,500,000frs CFA hut, not the 25,000,000 frs CFA that Mbi Oruh promised him as compensation.

The people of Manyu Division must be prepared to pick up the pieces as they deal with the reality of a chief in a never-ending sequence of mischief and sinfulness.

Cameroon Concord News has contacted CFC through its headquarters in Amsterdam, Netherlands for further details on project execution and closure report including safeguards that were put in place to monitor and deter such outrageous embezzlements with impunity.

Cameroon Concord News will also begin a campaign of alerting multi-national and multi-partnership agencies to track and hold Michael Mbi Oruh accountable for serious rights violations and financial crimes.

There seems to be a majority now in Mkpot village determined that he will be the first Manyu chief in over 130 years to be deposed by his people. Though he has further descended into intimidating progressive voices by inviting them to police and military interrogations, there is growing anxiety among many in Mkpot that gentleness is a strategy that won’t work with this corrupt leader.

As Michael Mbi Oruh prepares to end up on the scrapheap of history as a disgraced and deposed chief, it won’t be because of the people of Mkpot, it will be because, in the end, he, Michael Mbi Oruh was his own biggest problem.

By Kinsley Betek and Rita Akana with additional editing from Soter Agbaw-Ebai

27, March 2025

Yaoundé: Defense Ministry says “Clear Alliance” between Boko Haram and criminals in recent attack ⁰

The Ministry of Defense (Mindef) suspects a “clear” alliance between powerful transnational criminal organizations and terrorist groups operating in and around the Lake Chad Basin, according to a statement released on Wednesday. Mindef acknowledged that this alliance is responsible for the recent increase in terrorist activity in the region. The statement noted that “credible” intelligence gathered on the ground confirms the existence of such a partnership.

Security officials also observed that these terrorist groups in the Lake Chad Basin have leveraged their collusion with the implicated criminal enterprises to enhance their weaponry. The recent attack in Wulgo, which occurred overnight from March 24 to 25 and has been attributed to Boko Haram, demonstrated this development. During the assault, Boko Haram fighters reportedly used kamikaze drones, as revealed by a military officer cited by SBBC. “Something never seen before,” the same source stated.

Mindef further stated that Boko Haram attackers also employed several light tactical vehicles. The statement also highlighted that the terrorists were heavily armed. This display suggests that Boko Haram is seeking to rebuild its capacity for violence.

On February 13, the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU) noted a decline in the military capabilities of Boko Haram—the primary terrorist group in the Lake Chad Basin—while renewing the mandate of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF). The PSC communiqué emphasized “the continued surrender of Boko Haram fighters and their families,” underscoring the group’s diminishing influence.

Following the Wulgo attack, which took place near the Cameroon-Nigeria border, Mindef reported that 12 Cameroonian soldiers were killed, approximately a dozen were wounded, and several terrorists were neutralized. Search operations have since been initiated to track the retreating terrorists along their escape routes.

Source: Sbbc

27, March 2025

Football: MTN Elite One resumes after boycott threats ⁰

The second half of the MTN Elite One professional championship officially resumed last Sunday, with the first matchday expected to conclude later this week. Contrary to some national football observers’ predictions, all participating teams took to the field. “No team has issued an official statement indicating a boycott,” reported sports journalist Alain Denis Ikoul.

The start of this second phase had been uncertain due to threats of a boycott from several teams. These teams had presented a series of financial demands to the Cameroonian Football Federation (Fecafoot). Chief among these demands was a call for transparency regarding the contractual agreements between professional championship teams and various sponsors. Other demands included the payment of funds owed to the teams for the current season, and in some cases, from the previous year.

This threat of a boycott did not appear to significantly concern Fecafoot. As evidence of this, the Transitional Council for Professional Football (CTFP) consistently maintained that the championship would resume without any issues. The reasons behind the disgruntled teams’ decision to return remain unclear. However, as Alain Denis Ikoul noted, it is not uncommon for professional teams to express one sentiment publicly while acting differently.

Other observers suggest that the momentum behind the boycott movement may have waned. The specific reasons for this shift are currently not clear.

Source: Sbbc

27, March 2025

Biya’s election season stirs renewed anxiety in Southern Cameroons ⁰

While Biya’s re-election in October seems all but inevitable, his prolonged stay in power – without meaningful dialogue or efforts toward a peaceful resolution – signals continued suffering and a deepening crisis for the Anglophone population.

At 92, Paul Biya, Africa’s second-longest-serving leader, announced in January that he would seek his eighth presidential term in the October elections, ending months of speculation over his candidacy.

In Anglophone Cameroon – the Northwest and Southwest regions – years of alleged electoral fraud, a deadly and protracted conflict and political exclusion have eroded faith in democratic participation. For the millions living there, daily life has become a constant struggle against fear, displacement and uncertainty.

Anglophone Cameroon has been engulfed in a deadly conflict for years, characterised by violence and deepening mistrust between separatist groups and the central government, which many in the region accuse of systemic human rights violations.

In search of recruits

On some nights in Tiko, a coastal town in Cameroon’s troubled Southwest region, 39-year-old Mbuh Margaret* stays awake while her two young daughters, both under 12, sleep nearby. Her eyes remain fixed on the door, her mind racing with fear of what might come.

“I don’t think I’ll ever recover,” she says, still haunted by the traumatic ordeal she endured in 2018 – an event that continues to cast a long shadow over her life.

That year, just weeks before the presidential election, separatist fighters stormed her home in a remote part of Bamenda, the Anglophone capital of Cameroon’s Northwest region. They arrived at midnight, demanding that her 43-year-old husband join their movement.

“They wanted more manpower against the government forces and were recruiting by any means necessary,” she recalls.

When he refused, they shot him in the head.

“I didn’t believe what I saw; everything happened in a second,” Margaret recalls.

Two days later, fearing for their lives, she fled with her daughters to Tiko, her late husband’s hometown. Now working as a farm labourer in a nearby village, she earns between CFA2,500 ($4) and CFA7,500 ($12) a week – barely enough to survive. Her meagre income forces her to borrow constantly, and the debts continue to mount.

Call for election boycott

Biya’s announcement of his candidacy for the October elections has reignited calls from separatist groups to boycott the vote in the Anglophone regions. Despite ongoing government crackdowns, separatist leaders argue that participating would only serve to legitimise Biya’s decades-long rule over their communities.

For Margaret and many others in the Anglophone regions, already enduring nearly nine years of conflict between separatist fighters and government forces, the election season brings renewed fear and uncertainty.

“In 2018, separatist groups first warned us to stay away from the election, using threats and violence to enforce compliance,” Margaret tells The Africa Report.

“At night, whenever I think about what led to my husband’s death, and how easily it could happen again, I lose my peace,” she says.

More than 6,000 killed

In October 2016, civil unrest broke out in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions when lawyers and teachers led protests against the marginalisation of English-speaking Cameroonians. The Francophone-led government in Yaoundé responded with force, shutting down internet services and branding the demonstrations a “terror procession”.

By 2017, what began as peaceful protests had spiralled into a full-scale separatist rebellion. Rebel leaders declared the independence of the self-styled Federal Republic of Ambazonia, claiming the Anglophone Northwest and Southwest regions. Though these areas make up just 3% of Cameroon’s territory, they are home to nearly 20% of its population.

As the conflict escalated, the government responded with a brutal crackdown, arresting thousands and opening fire on protesters. President Biya deployed the elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), a unit repeatedly accused of severe human rights abuses, to crush the separatist movement.

Nearly a decade later, the war drags on. More than 6,000 people have been killed, thousands remain missing, and hundreds of thousands have been displaced – many of them children struggling with malnutrition and disease in overcrowded camps or remote villages.

“It’s an ugly situation, and no one is safe,” says Beatrice*, 45, a resident of Kumba in the Southwest region. She lost her husband and three sons in a fire during a clash between separatists and government forces. She was the only one who survived.

‘We lost everything’

From Northwest’s Kumbo and Bamenda to Mamfe and Buea in the Southwest region, the scars of war are visible throughout Anglophone Cameroon. Bullet-riddled homes and abandoned buildings, left in ruins, have become common sights in communities where violence is now part of daily life.

Entire villages lie empty, silent evidence of what many describe as a partial genocide and a host of underreported war crimes. In these conflict-affected areas, children are among the most vulnerable. Many are forced into harsh agricultural labour or degrading work just to help their families survive.

“In late 2019, as government soldiers and separatist fighters exchanged gunfire in our village in Buea, my mother’s grocery shop was looted and set on fire,” says Peter*, a 15-year-old fisherman’s assistant in Limbe, a coastal town in the Southwest region. “I remember how we lost everything and became even poorer that night.”

Peter now earns between CFA15,000 ($24) and CFA24,000 ($38) a week, most of which goes toward supporting his family of five. According to UNICEF, nearly 500,000 children – including Peter and his childhood friends – were out of school across Cameroon’s Anglophone regions in 2024, as the conflict continues to disrupt education and displace communities.

As the crisis grinds on, Cameroon’s healthcare infrastructure continues to deteriorate, particularly in the English-speaking regions where medical facilities under Yaoundé’s control are often targeted in the conflict. The violence has forced many healthcare workers to flee, leaving residents to rely on private or religious clinics that are frequently overpriced, understaffed or ill-equipped.

Joy Francis*, a 19-year-old from a small village near Bamenda, tells The Africa Report that menstrual hygiene has become an overlooked emergency. Menstrual pads have either become unaffordable or completely unavailable, forcing many girls to use old rags or even thick leaves.

It’s a similar situation for Margaret, whose 12-year-old daughter also relies on scraps of old cotton during her period.

“It is disgusting and cruel for Paul Biya, a man who calls himself the father of the nation, to ignore the plight of Anglophone Cameroonians,” says a Douala-based political analyst, speaking anonymously due to a media ban on openly criticising the president.

“Without genuine political reform,” he warns, “we may be heading toward deeper anarchy in the English-speaking regions.”

Wave of violence

Ahead of the 2018 presidential election, Biya declared that Cameroon’s national unity was non-negotiable. Yet, both during his campaign and after securing re-election, he publicly acknowledged the severity of the Anglophone crisis, pledging to pursue a peaceful resolution. In 2019, he launched the Major National Dialogue aimed at addressing the grievances of the separatist movement.

However, separatist leaders and political critics dismissed the initiative as inadequate and unrealistic, arguing that it excluded key secessionist figures and failed to address fundamental demands, such as power-sharing or the prospect of independence.

“The crisis worsened, but Biya was not interested in recognising the separatist movement or their demands,” says a Yaoundé-based political analyst. “The peace plans were largely a political manoeuvre to convince the international community that the Anglophone unrest was merely a domestic issue that could be easily resolved.”

In reality, critics argue, little changed. Separatist leaders continued to be arrested and allegedly tortured, and before long, the dialogue collapsed – triggering yet another wave of violence and deepening the crisis.

Requests for comment from both the Cameroonian ministry of defence and the prime minister’s office went unanswered.

Possibility of Biya election loss?

Despite heavy media censorship in Yaoundé and state-controlled praise of Biya, French-speaking Cameroonians still discuss the future of their country, politics and economic policies in markets, offices and homes.

However, “when Cameroonians speak about their country, regime change rarely comes up”, says a senior lecturer and political analyst in Yaoundé. He explains that beyond Biya’s deep-rooted ties to France and the West, his regime’s longevity is due in part to its ability to suppress dissent and avoid the mistakes that toppled other long-serving leaders. “From the Arab Spring to the rise of anti-French sentiment, Biya seems to learn from leadership gaps that have ended other regimes,” he says.

English-speaking Cameroonians seldom debate the possibility of Biya losing an election – because survival, not politics, is their most pressing concern.

“It’s about our lives first,” says Margaret. “We don’t know if we’ll be even more forgotten by our countrymen – and the world.”

As external funding dries up, separatist fighters have increasingly turned on the very communities they claim to defend, looting homes, kidnapping civilians and extorting so-called “liberation taxes”. Women are often the most vulnerable. “I pay these taxes,” Margaret says. “Many women have been raped on the farms for failing to pay.”

Though some separatist factions have allowed schools to reopen, fear still lingers. For Margaret, the risk is too great. “Until my daughters’ safety is assured, they stay at home,” she says. “It’s better they lose their education than their lives.”

Culled from The Africa Report

26, March 2025

Revealed: Boko Haram fighters kill 20 Cameroonian troops ⁰

Boko Haram fighters disguised as herders killed at least 20 Cameroonian troops in a Tuesday morning raid on the Nigerian border town of Wulgo, local security sources and residents told AFP.

Cameroonian troops are commonly stationed across the border in Nigeria as part of anti-jihadist operations around Wulgo, which is near the volatile Lake Chad — home to both Islamic State and Boko Haram fighters.

The militants had disguised themselves as herders and traders in a nearby city and then infiltrated Wulgo to attack its surrounding military positions, said two intelligence sources.

The sources were assisting troops in the long-running fight against the militants and requested anonymity to speak freely.

“The insurgents attacked the bases around 1:00 am and fighting continued for two hours before they subdued the troops and burnt the bases, after taking away heavy weapons,” one of the sources said.

“Twenty Cameroonian troops were killed in the fighting and their bodies were transported across the border into Cameroon this morning,” the source added.

Neither the Nigerian military nor the Cameroonian side responded to an AFP request for comment.

Soviet-made Shilka guns — lightly armoured, radar-guided anti-aircraft weapons — were among the cache seized by the Boko Haram fighters, said the second source, who offered the same death toll.

On Monday, the fighters had blended among herders at the weekly market in the town of Gamboru, a commercial hub 15 kilometres (nine miles) away, the sources said.

They then moved into Wulgo under the cover of night to launch a “surprise attack”, said the second security source.

– Military bases raided –

Sounds of heavy guns and explosions were heard by people in Gamboru who had been awake to observe Ramadan vigils, local resident Muhammad Sani Umar told AFP.

“I saw three Cameroonian military trucks conveying 13 bodies across the border into Cameroon this morning,” said Umar, who visited Wulgo on Tuesday.

The attacked military bases were a mess, with the building torched and vehicles burnt, Umar said.

Since 2009, jihadist violence in northeast Nigeria has killed 40,000 people and displaced 2.3 million, according to the UN, with the conflict spilling into neighbouring countries.

The Lake Chad region in particular — stretching across Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Cameroon — has become a jihadist stronghold, disrupting fishing, farming and herding, on which the 40 million people who live there depend.

Recently, however, officials have complained about a lack of coordination in the multi-country coalition fighting militants in the region, particularly as Nigeria and Niger have seen relations deteriorate after a coup toppled Niamey’s civilian government in 2023.

Since losing its Sambisa stronghold in Nigeria in 2021 to the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), a rival offshoot, Boko Haram has shifted its presence to areas around Lake Chad as well as Wulgo, Waza, Gwoza, Pulka the Mandara mountains on the border with Cameroon.

Wulgo and Waza have been repeatedly targeted by Boko Haram, who have kidnapped and killed loggers, herders and scrap metal scavengers they accuse of spying on them for the military or local militias.

Earlier this year, clashes with Boko Haram jihadists near the Lake Chad town of Baga left nine Nigerian soldiers dead.

The attack came days after ISWAP militants killed scores of farmers in nearby in Tumbun Kanta and Kwatar Yobe, with accounts ranging between 40 and 100 dead.

In March 2021, two Cameroonian soldiers were killed in a Boko Haram attack in Wulgo, with three other Cameroonian troops and a Nigerian soldier injured.

Source: AFP

26, March 2025

Niger: military leader Tiani sworn in as president for five-year transition period ⁰

Niger’s leader, Abdourahamane Tiani, was on Wednesday sworn in as the country’s president for a transition period of five years under a new charter that replaces the West African nation’s constitution. The move effectively rebuffed attempts by regional bloc ECOWAS to quicken the return to democracy after a 2023 coup.

The five-year “flexible” transition period begins on Wednesday, according to Mahamane Roufai, the secretary general of the government. He was speaking at a ceremony in the capital Niamey where the new transition charter recommended by a recent national conference was approved.

Tiani, an army veteran, was also elevated to the country’s highest military rank of army general, cementing his grip on power since June 2023 when he led soldiers that deposed the country’s elected government.

The new president would have been in power for about seven years by the end of the transition period in 2030, following similar patterns of prolonged stints in power in Africa’s junta-led countries, including Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso.

Niger’s junta had initially proposed a three-year transition period right after the coup, but that was rejected by West Africa’s regional bloc known as ECOWAS, which called it a provocation and threatened to intervene with the use of force.

Since then Niger has left the bloc alongside Mali and Burkina Faso, in protest of harsh sanctions which the bloc announced to force a return to democracy in Niger.

With ECOWAS exit, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger leave democratic transition in limbo

Critics say Niger’s junta has clamped down on civil rights and struggled to end the jihadi violence that the military said inspired them to take power.

Source: AP

25, March 2025

Over 10 Cameroon gov’t soldiers killed, 20 injured in Boko Haram attack ⁰

More than 10 Cameroonian soldiers were killed and 20 others injured after the terrorist group Boko Haram raided a military outpost in the country’s Far North Region, according to local and security sources.

The attack took place overnight into Tuesday.

Boko Haram militants ambushed and attacked the Wulgo military camp located at the border with Nigeria, an army official in the region told the Chinese News Agency by phone on Tuesday.

“The terrorists came from Nigeria in large numbers and took our brave soldiers by surprise. They were well-armed with sophisticated weapons and technology. Our brave soldiers are pursuing them,” said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Local officials said the death toll could be higher as they were still investigating.

It is one of the deadliest attacks on the Cameroonian army since Boko Haram started operating in the region in 2014, according to local media.

Source: Xinhuanet

25, March 2025

1982-2025: How long will Biya hang on? ⁰

President Paul Biya may not be ready to give up power any time soon, according to Cameroon Intelligence Report sources. The country is at the mercy of Biya and his appointees and remains in the limbo of an uncertain presidential election moment. Biya’s prolonged grip on power has generated crises. Cameroon Intelligence Report is aware that a crackdown had begun that included the arrest of journalists and senior opposition militants.

Our editor-in-chief Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai says at 92, Paul Biya is not in any hurry to leave office. He spoke to Cameroon Concord News in an interview after reports came out that the Minister-Secretary General at the presidency of the republic Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh had met the Archbishop of Douala, His Grace Archbishop Samuel Kleda.

As members of the ruling CPDM crime syndicate close ranks around their beleaguered president and suggest that he will face off with any opposition candidate, Soter Agbaw-Ebai, is one of the few Cameroonian journalists with insight into Biya’s thinking and a willingness to share it.

“Mr. Biya has lived and ruled Cameroon from the InterContinental Hotel in Geneva for 42 years, and that is his problem,” says Soter Agbaw-Ebai.

“Frankly speaking, Biya’s acolytes are giving him the impression that people love him and I don’t know if there is anyone deep within his entourage who can muster the courage and make him understand that the people have taken the decision to vote against him in October.”

Cameroonians will reject Biya this 2025, Soter Agbaw-Ebai says, but Biya and his men are likely to seek a way to hang on to power. “I personally think the elections will be rigged and there will be an uprising that will put Biya to shame.”

“Biya’s government is broke and doesn’t have the money to pay for any elections. Parliamentarians are happy that he extended their failed mandate and they are pushing Biya to use presidential powers and develop plans to work in his favor against the Cameroonian people” Agbaw-Ebai concluded.

By Chi Prudence Asong in Dublin